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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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hotel rwanda – <strong>the</strong> challenges of historicising and commercialising genocide 177<br />

most obvious parallel, Schindler’s List, Hotel Rwanda is based on a true<br />

story and Rusesabagina deserves to be lauded for his extraordinary<br />

courage, his integrity and his altruism. However, to communicate<br />

this message as ineptly as Hotel Rwanda does, represents a missed opportunity<br />

to disseminate a cogent understanding of <strong>the</strong> Rwandan<br />

genocide to an expectant world-wide viewership, <strong>the</strong> greater part<br />

of which has had little opportunity of grappling with <strong>the</strong> meaning<br />

of this atrocity through <strong>the</strong> popular media. This is all <strong>the</strong> more <strong>the</strong><br />

case since <strong>the</strong> release of <strong>the</strong> movie during <strong>the</strong> 10th anniversary of <strong>the</strong><br />

genocide generated added popular interest.<br />

These criticisms are made in full recognition that <strong>the</strong>re are limits to<br />

what can be packed into two hours of viewing, to <strong>the</strong> demands that<br />

can be made on <strong>the</strong> attention span of popular audiences and that commercial<br />

imperatives inevitably weigh on a movie of this sort. Hotel<br />

Rwanda could, however, have done a far better job, given <strong>the</strong> constraints<br />

of <strong>the</strong> medium and <strong>the</strong> opportunities off ered by <strong>the</strong> Rusesabagina<br />

story, of informing a receptive audience about <strong>the</strong> Rwandan<br />

holocaust and of raising consciousness about <strong>the</strong> scourge of genocide.<br />

The feature fi lm is an extremely powerful medium and <strong>the</strong> Rwandan<br />

genocide a potentially explosive issue but Hotel Rwanda comes nowhere<br />

close to fully exploiting <strong>the</strong>ir potential.<br />

The particular challenge of <strong>the</strong> Rwandan genocide<br />

In explaining <strong>the</strong> Rwandan genocide one is faced not merely with <strong>the</strong><br />

questions of how and why <strong>the</strong> genocide occurred, but crucially, also<br />

with accounting for large-scale popular participation in <strong>the</strong> killing.<br />

In his insightful study, When Victims Become Killers, Mahmood Mamdani<br />

thus stresses: ‘My main objective in writing this book is to make<br />

<strong>the</strong> popular agency in <strong>the</strong> Rwandan genocide thinkable’ (Mamdani<br />

2001: 8). The particular challenge of <strong>the</strong> Rwandan genocide is to provide<br />

an understanding of how and why <strong>the</strong> hatred of one social group<br />

towards ano<strong>the</strong>r, when <strong>the</strong> two had lived toge<strong>the</strong>r for centuries, intermarried<br />

extensively and shared an identical culture, could become<br />

so virulent that hundreds of thousands of members from one group<br />

could in a three-month rampage kill over 800,000 compatriots. Most<br />

of <strong>the</strong> slaughter was conducted in face-to-face encounters involving<br />

acts of unspeakable cruelty and in many cases <strong>the</strong> victims were <strong>the</strong><br />

colleagues, neighbours, friends, even family of <strong>the</strong> perpetrators. 9<br />

9 Mamdani also points out that few of <strong>the</strong> perpetrators had killed before. Many of <strong>the</strong><br />

leaders were highly educated professionals – clerics, doctors, judges – whose training<br />

militated against such abuses and much of <strong>the</strong> killing took place at sites of sanctuary –<br />

churches, hospitals, schools (Mamdani 2001: 7).

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