60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
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84 development dialogue december 2008 – revisiting <strong>the</strong> heart of darkness<br />
were just not enough European or Asian immigrants (in contrast to<br />
Nor<strong>the</strong>rn America and Australia) who could have replaced <strong>the</strong> Africans<br />
as indentured servants or contract workers. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> indigenous<br />
population was – toge<strong>the</strong>r with land – <strong>the</strong> most important ‘resource’<br />
for <strong>the</strong> colonisers. In contrast to American Indians and <strong>the</strong> Aborigines<br />
in Australia, Africans have not fi gured as a ‘dying race’ in <strong>the</strong> eyes of <strong>the</strong><br />
Europeans and were considered to be fi t for labour. Whereas <strong>the</strong> relationship<br />
between colonisers and indigenous peoples in Australia and in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Americas centred almost solely on (<strong>the</strong> expropriation of or expulsion<br />
from) land, <strong>the</strong> question of labour was formative for <strong>the</strong> encounter<br />
between Europeans and Africans (Wolfe 2001).<br />
Colonial offi cials and both farmers and planters were thus well aware<br />
that a large reservoir of indigenous workers was a necessary prerequisite<br />
for <strong>the</strong> development of a modern and effi cient infrastructure and<br />
economic growth in <strong>the</strong> African colonies. Though, <strong>the</strong> envisaged<br />
incorporation of <strong>the</strong> indigenous population as wage labourers into a<br />
capitalist system turned out to be ra<strong>the</strong>r diffi cult because <strong>the</strong> Africans<br />
were normally not ready to give up <strong>the</strong>ir economic independence.<br />
Consequently, Europeans wanted to overcome <strong>the</strong> Africans’ reluctance<br />
through negative incentives like penal taxation and through<br />
means of force and harassment. Massive expropriation of indigenous<br />
land was a common method to let <strong>the</strong> Africans abandon <strong>the</strong>ir subsistence<br />
economy (Good 1976: <strong>60</strong>3). The colonisers did not even shrink<br />
from attempting to destroy indigenous social, political and religious<br />
structures in order to acquire control over labour. From <strong>the</strong> very<br />
beginning of colonisation, <strong>the</strong> Europeans sought <strong>the</strong> dissolution of<br />
<strong>the</strong> indigenous populations’ social and cultural organisation and <strong>the</strong><br />
transformation of <strong>the</strong> African societies into a proletarian class without<br />
‘tribal identity’ and high culture.<br />
These ideas were particularly prevalent in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn African settler<br />
colonies. After <strong>the</strong> defeat of <strong>the</strong> Herero and Nama in 1908, <strong>the</strong> German<br />
colonial authorities in Southwest Africa, for instance, developed<br />
and executed plans that aimed at <strong>the</strong> total dissolution of <strong>the</strong> African<br />
cultures. Already in July 1905, deputy governor Tecklenburg had<br />
stated that all tribal organisation ought to come to an end (Zimmerer<br />
2001: 57). And Paul Rohrbach, one of <strong>the</strong> most infl uential German<br />
colonial propagandists, had clear plans about <strong>the</strong> position and <strong>the</strong> status<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Africans in colonial society:<br />
Only <strong>the</strong> necessity of loosing <strong>the</strong>ir free national barbarianism and<br />
of becoming a class of servants for <strong>the</strong> whites provides <strong>the</strong> natives<br />
– historically seen – with an internal right of existence… The idea