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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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violence, legitimacy and dynamics of genocide – notions of mass violence examined 45<br />

broader quest of ordering and rectifying society, of homogenising <strong>the</strong><br />

population in cultural and linguistic terms, all of which clearly are<br />

not as harmless as it might seem at fi rst sight, but fraught with latent<br />

or manifest violence, up to <strong>the</strong> ill-famed ethnic cleansing of <strong>the</strong> late<br />

20th century.<br />

Thus, <strong>the</strong> state also plays a pivotal role in defi ning <strong>the</strong> group targeted<br />

for destruction in processes of genocide, which by defi nition is directed<br />

against a collectivity (Hinton 2002: 6). This dovetails with one<br />

central mode of operation of <strong>the</strong> modern state, simplifying perceived<br />

structures, categorising, and <strong>the</strong>reby crystallising and essentialising<br />

social and cultural diff erence (Hinton 2002: 28, Scott 1998). The related<br />

tendency of <strong>the</strong> modern state to fashion ‘enumerative’ collective<br />

or group identities (Randeria 1994) is an important avenue to create<br />

preconditions for mass violence directed against specifi c groups,<br />

which centrally also involves genocide, even though such violence<br />

certainly also occurs on a whole range of frequently far lesser scales.<br />

Since processes of mass violence, including genocide, are never just<br />

wanton occurrences and generally contain at least an element of strategic<br />

design, it is important to conceptualise <strong>the</strong> ways in which <strong>the</strong><br />

groups that become victims of violent acts and strategies are defi ned.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> case of genocide, <strong>the</strong> very concept points to <strong>the</strong> centrality of<br />

this issue. When we look at historical cases, it emerges that very diverse<br />

social processes have been at work here, which we may summarily<br />

subsume under two categories, active and passive grouping. In<br />

this, grouping underscores <strong>the</strong> constructed and by no means ‘natural’<br />

character of all such groups (cf. Brubaker 2004).<br />

Thus, passive grouping would highlight not just victimisation, but <strong>the</strong><br />

in many cases forcible, bureaucratic subsuming under a category<br />

which does not necessarily refl ect <strong>the</strong> victims’ self-identity. The outstanding<br />

example of this is <strong>the</strong> gradual, step-by-step ostracism that<br />

excluded ‘Jews’ from German society during <strong>the</strong> 1930s, even where<br />

<strong>the</strong>y had no active relation to Jewry or were not even aware of <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

Jewish ancestry. In broadly similar fashion, <strong>the</strong> Rwandan genocide in<br />

1994 was predicated on ascribed and bureaucratically enforced ethnic/racial<br />

identity.<br />

Ano<strong>the</strong>r form of passive grouping would be <strong>the</strong> essentialisation of real<br />

or ostensible class membership, where ‘class’ is framed not so much as<br />

a social category but confl ated with a political orientation. Important<br />

instances are <strong>the</strong> kulaks, subjected to savage mass violence in <strong>the</strong> Soviet<br />

Union during <strong>the</strong> 1920s and 1930s (Werth 1984, 2003: 226-8) and

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