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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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158 development dialogue december 2008 – revisiting <strong>the</strong> heart of darkness<br />

here (‘Anti-Semitism’ and ‘Imperialism’), but also in <strong>the</strong> relationship,<br />

posited in post-Arendtian scholarship, between genocidal contexts –<br />

colonial, Nazi and postcolonial.<br />

Arendt’s genealogy of ‘race’ is anything but linear and continuous. In<br />

an earlier proposal for her Totalitarianism book (outlined in an article<br />

published in <strong>the</strong> journal Commentary), Arendt put forward <strong>the</strong> idea<br />

that anti-semitism, imperialism and racism found <strong>the</strong>ir convergence<br />

in Nazism. However, <strong>the</strong> order of subsumption was subsequently reversed.<br />

In a second version of her plan, she wanted to compile and<br />

expand her previously published articles on anti-semitism, racism and<br />

imperialism under <strong>the</strong> heading of ‘Imperialism’, concluding with an<br />

additional chapter on Nazism as ‘Race Imperialism’ (<strong>the</strong> latter being<br />

<strong>the</strong> proposed heading of <strong>the</strong> chapter that was to conclude <strong>the</strong> collection<br />

of essays).<br />

At <strong>the</strong> time, she understood Nazism as a successor to <strong>the</strong> European<br />

colonial-imperialist enterprise (Tsao 2002: 581). In Part II, ‘Imperialism’,<br />

she dealt with Nazism as inverted consummation of imperialism,<br />

claiming that ‘African colonial possessions became <strong>the</strong> most fertile soil<br />

for <strong>the</strong> fl owering of what later was to become <strong>the</strong> Nazi elite’ (Arendt<br />

[1951] 1976: 206). But when she jotted down notes for Part III (‘Totalitarianism’),<br />

she abandoned her view on Nazi ‘race imperialism’ (Tsao<br />

2002: 581). 3 In contrast to her idea articulated earlier, <strong>the</strong> ‘Totalitarianism’<br />

part of her book dissociates totalitarianism from ‘lust for power or<br />

even <strong>the</strong> desire for a power-generating machine, [from] <strong>the</strong> game of<br />

power for power’s sake which has been characteristic of <strong>the</strong> last stages of<br />

imperialist rule’. In fact, she comes close to asserting that any similarities<br />

between <strong>the</strong> means of imperialist and totalitarian politics are similarities<br />

in appearance only (Arendt [1951] 1976: 407, 422).<br />

This surprising fi nding should lead us to probe <strong>the</strong> much-cited idea<br />

that European colonialism has provided models – governmental, political<br />

and explanatory – for <strong>the</strong> Nazi genocide, as well as for <strong>the</strong> genocide<br />

that is geopolitically labelled ‘Rwandan’. I would like to stay<br />

with this idea for a while, in order <strong>the</strong>n to critically interrogate it.<br />

The ‘boomerang eff ect’ supposedly at work between European colonisation<br />

and <strong>the</strong> Nazi genocide is commonly extended by analogy to<br />

post-colonial contexts: a ‘boomerang eff ect’ (albeit one of a diff erent<br />

kind), is likewise postulated for <strong>the</strong> relationship between colonial poli-<br />

3 Some aspects of <strong>the</strong> view of Nazi “race imperialism” are retained in parts of <strong>the</strong><br />

‘Imperialism’ part, though (see Tsao 2002: 582, 583, 586).

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