60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
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colonialism and genocide 83<br />
Evans’ concept of Indigenocide is a useful and adequate framework for<br />
<strong>the</strong> analysis of mass violence in colonial Africa because it takes <strong>the</strong> destruction<br />
of indigenous cultures and religions into account and emphasises<br />
<strong>the</strong> dehumanisation of <strong>the</strong> colonised by <strong>the</strong> colonisers. It is thus a<br />
suitable methodological instrument for a comparative study of colonial<br />
mass violence. None<strong>the</strong>less, some of its features are problematic: ‘First<br />
people’ is a political ra<strong>the</strong>r than a scientifi c concept. Especially in Africa,<br />
where no written documentation about pre-colonial migration fl ows<br />
is available, <strong>the</strong> identifi cation of ‘fi rst peoples’ is highly problematic and<br />
contested. What is more, <strong>the</strong> introduction of a new term or concept<br />
suggests that <strong>the</strong> murder or permanent crippling of indigenous societies<br />
would not count as a full genocide. Again, <strong>the</strong> problem of hierarchisation<br />
is at hand. Finally, <strong>the</strong> establishment of new concepts and terms for<br />
<strong>the</strong> study and categorisation of colonial mass violence is not necessary<br />
if we resort to Raphael Lemkin’s original framework that puts a strong<br />
emphasis on <strong>the</strong> cultural dimension of genocide.<br />
Raphael Lemkin’s original concept of genocide and<br />
its application to European colonialism in Africa<br />
One of <strong>the</strong> driving forces of colonial expansion was <strong>the</strong> European<br />
powers’ desire to extend <strong>the</strong>ir economic infl uence and to control and<br />
dominate as many regions as possible within a capitalist-style economy.<br />
Regions located at <strong>the</strong> periphery of <strong>the</strong> world system such as<br />
Africa were seen as a reservoir for important raw materials. And <strong>the</strong><br />
indigenous populations were determined to plant, extract or process<br />
<strong>the</strong>se raw materials as cheap labourers and to consume low-grade European<br />
products. In <strong>the</strong>ir racist sense of superiority, European colonisers<br />
did not consider this system as exploitation but as modernisation<br />
of alleged backward societies (Peterson 2005).<br />
European conquest and settlement in Africa did not inevitably lead to<br />
<strong>the</strong> expulsion and/or annihilation of <strong>the</strong> natives as it was <strong>the</strong> case with<br />
‘New England type’ settler colonies in Nor<strong>the</strong>rn America and Australia.<br />
7 The main reason why Europeans normally did not envisage exterminating<br />
or expelling <strong>the</strong> African population in large parts or even as<br />
a whole was that <strong>the</strong>y were dependent on indigenous manpower. The<br />
colonisers’ aim was to gain control over African land and labour at <strong>the</strong><br />
same time. And <strong>the</strong> securing of indigenous labour was crucial since ‘<strong>the</strong><br />
dark continent’ was all but an attractive destination for emigrants. There<br />
7 Diff erent types of settler colonies can be distinguished: ‘New England type’, where <strong>the</strong><br />
settlers are not dependent on native labour; ‘African type’, where settlers and planters<br />
rely on cheap indigenous labour; and ‘Caribbean type’, where slaves are imported<br />
from outside (Osterhammel 2001: 18).