60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
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a luta continua! – south african hiv activism, embodiment and state politics 251<br />
gued that this is currently <strong>the</strong> only way to contest pro-poor struggles<br />
given that <strong>the</strong> political ideology of <strong>the</strong> poor (still described as<br />
socialism but rarely defi ned) still faces a crisis of <strong>the</strong>ory and thus<br />
legitimacy (Heywood 2005: 208).<br />
What happens is a polarisation of <strong>the</strong> debate. This pushes <strong>the</strong> government<br />
into a corner, characterises diff erences of opinion as ei<strong>the</strong>r stupid<br />
or immoral, hampers collaboration and dialogue, and removes <strong>the</strong><br />
larger debate of <strong>the</strong> future of <strong>the</strong> state and democracy from <strong>the</strong> table.<br />
When political choices are turned into moral questions, <strong>the</strong> politics<br />
of <strong>the</strong> future of <strong>the</strong> state cannot be openly discussed.<br />
What <strong>the</strong> TAC is covertly arguing for is a social democratic welfare state<br />
model, unlike, for example, <strong>the</strong> Ugandan combination of private-public<br />
partnerships. This is sometimes openly discussed, but mainly hidden in<br />
<strong>the</strong> human rights talk. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> issue of how health care provision<br />
is concretely implemented can be lost in <strong>the</strong> battle. Here, for example<br />
a South African pharmacologist regrets <strong>the</strong> state of <strong>the</strong> debate:<br />
As with any o<strong>the</strong>r highly contested terrain, debates around <strong>the</strong> provision<br />
of antiretroviral treatment in South Africa, and in particular<br />
in <strong>the</strong> public health sector, have been characterized by starkly stated<br />
and fi rmly held opinions. Such opinions have reduced <strong>the</strong> space for<br />
meaningful debate about <strong>the</strong> very real challenges of implementing<br />
antiretroviral treatment in <strong>the</strong> country. The debate has instead become<br />
a contest between notions of toxicity and/or infrastructural<br />
defi ciencies on <strong>the</strong> one hand, and <strong>the</strong> moral and ethical imperative<br />
to take immediate action on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r (Gray 2005: 524).<br />
The argument that <strong>the</strong>re is only one good way to go is backed up by a<br />
faith in a pure scientifi c truth on HIV/AIDS. Claiming certainty and<br />
neutrality of scientifi c knowledge and biomedical facts (of any illness<br />
or bodily phenomenon) must of course be understood in <strong>the</strong> context<br />
of <strong>the</strong> AIDS denialism that emerged in <strong>the</strong> previous leadership of <strong>the</strong><br />
country. In such a context it became crucial to defend ARV science as<br />
legitimate. In order to accomplish a fi rm counterstrike to denialism, a<br />
rhetoric of indisputable scientifi c authority was deployed. For example,<br />
Nicoli Nattrass, a scientist who identifi es with <strong>the</strong> activists, ends<br />
her book with: ‘Only when science is fi r mly re- e stablished as <strong>the</strong> benchmark<br />
for AIDS treatment will its ghost fi nally be exorcised (Nattrass<br />
2007: 184; italics ours).<br />
But, as many scholars of science, technology and medicine today<br />
claim, science does not need to be defended as an apparatus of fi rm<br />
truths. Scientifi c uncertainty does not necessarily open space for out-