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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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a luta continua! – south african hiv activism, embodiment and state politics 251<br />

gued that this is currently <strong>the</strong> only way to contest pro-poor struggles<br />

given that <strong>the</strong> political ideology of <strong>the</strong> poor (still described as<br />

socialism but rarely defi ned) still faces a crisis of <strong>the</strong>ory and thus<br />

legitimacy (Heywood 2005: 208).<br />

What happens is a polarisation of <strong>the</strong> debate. This pushes <strong>the</strong> government<br />

into a corner, characterises diff erences of opinion as ei<strong>the</strong>r stupid<br />

or immoral, hampers collaboration and dialogue, and removes <strong>the</strong><br />

larger debate of <strong>the</strong> future of <strong>the</strong> state and democracy from <strong>the</strong> table.<br />

When political choices are turned into moral questions, <strong>the</strong> politics<br />

of <strong>the</strong> future of <strong>the</strong> state cannot be openly discussed.<br />

What <strong>the</strong> TAC is covertly arguing for is a social democratic welfare state<br />

model, unlike, for example, <strong>the</strong> Ugandan combination of private-public<br />

partnerships. This is sometimes openly discussed, but mainly hidden in<br />

<strong>the</strong> human rights talk. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> issue of how health care provision<br />

is concretely implemented can be lost in <strong>the</strong> battle. Here, for example<br />

a South African pharmacologist regrets <strong>the</strong> state of <strong>the</strong> debate:<br />

As with any o<strong>the</strong>r highly contested terrain, debates around <strong>the</strong> provision<br />

of antiretroviral treatment in South Africa, and in particular<br />

in <strong>the</strong> public health sector, have been characterized by starkly stated<br />

and fi rmly held opinions. Such opinions have reduced <strong>the</strong> space for<br />

meaningful debate about <strong>the</strong> very real challenges of implementing<br />

antiretroviral treatment in <strong>the</strong> country. The debate has instead become<br />

a contest between notions of toxicity and/or infrastructural<br />

defi ciencies on <strong>the</strong> one hand, and <strong>the</strong> moral and ethical imperative<br />

to take immediate action on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r (Gray 2005: 524).<br />

The argument that <strong>the</strong>re is only one good way to go is backed up by a<br />

faith in a pure scientifi c truth on HIV/AIDS. Claiming certainty and<br />

neutrality of scientifi c knowledge and biomedical facts (of any illness<br />

or bodily phenomenon) must of course be understood in <strong>the</strong> context<br />

of <strong>the</strong> AIDS denialism that emerged in <strong>the</strong> previous leadership of <strong>the</strong><br />

country. In such a context it became crucial to defend ARV science as<br />

legitimate. In order to accomplish a fi rm counterstrike to denialism, a<br />

rhetoric of indisputable scientifi c authority was deployed. For example,<br />

Nicoli Nattrass, a scientist who identifi es with <strong>the</strong> activists, ends<br />

her book with: ‘Only when science is fi r mly re- e stablished as <strong>the</strong> benchmark<br />

for AIDS treatment will its ghost fi nally be exorcised (Nattrass<br />

2007: 184; italics ours).<br />

But, as many scholars of science, technology and medicine today<br />

claim, science does not need to be defended as an apparatus of fi rm<br />

truths. Scientifi c uncertainty does not necessarily open space for out-

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