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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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colonialism and <strong>the</strong> holocaust – towards an archeology of genocide 103<br />

The parallels with colonialism are not just limited to ideological justifi<br />

cations for conquest and domination; <strong>the</strong>y are also evident in <strong>the</strong><br />

techniques of rule. With <strong>the</strong> exception of <strong>the</strong> settler colonies, where<br />

<strong>the</strong> ratio of Europeans to <strong>the</strong> indigenous population gradually shifted,<br />

a small elite consisting of colonial administrators and military ruled<br />

over a far more numerous local population that was unable to participate<br />

in government. Colonisers and colonised were ruled by diff erent<br />

legal systems, and this ‘dual legal system’ rested on racial criteria.<br />

Advantages for Europeans in this ‘racially privileged society’ (rassische<br />

Privilegiengesellschaft), however, were not limited to formal law (Zimmerer<br />

2001a: 94-109). The situation coloniale penetrated all spheres of<br />

social interaction between colonisers and colonised. The former were<br />

always privileged in every respect. They had <strong>the</strong>ir own schools and<br />

kindergartens, <strong>the</strong>ir own counters at post offi ces and o<strong>the</strong>r government<br />

agencies. This constant symbolic subordination was evident, for<br />

example, in German Southwest Africa where Africans were obliged<br />

to salute whites, and forbidden to ride horses and use <strong>the</strong> sidewalk. In<br />

occupied Poland, too, Poles had to display appropriate humility before<br />

<strong>the</strong> Germans by making way for <strong>the</strong>m on sidewalks, removing<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir hats and saluting. They were prohibited from attending cinemas,<br />

concerts, exhibitions, libraries, museums and <strong>the</strong>atres, and from<br />

owning bicycles, cameras and radios (Burleigh 2000: 450f). To be<br />

sure, this everyday discrimination pales in signifi cance in comparison<br />

with <strong>the</strong> contemporaneous mass murders, but it never<strong>the</strong>less provides<br />

an indication of an often overlooked line of tradition of German policy<br />

in <strong>the</strong> occupied territories. The ideal of <strong>the</strong> ‘racially privileged society’<br />

is also <strong>the</strong> basis for <strong>the</strong> following statement by Hitler: ‘Our Germans<br />

– that is <strong>the</strong> main thing – must form a closed community like a<br />

fortress, outside <strong>the</strong> centers <strong>the</strong> lowest horse boy must stand above any<br />

of <strong>the</strong> natives’. 22 Of course, this only applied to that part of <strong>the</strong> local<br />

population whose right to life was recognised at all.<br />

Not only was <strong>the</strong> separate treatment of Germans and non-Germans,<br />

or whites and non-whites, prescribed legally and in everyday life in<br />

both colonialism and National Socialism, but active steps were taken<br />

to avoid any ‘mixing’ of <strong>the</strong> two populations. The problem of maintaining<br />

<strong>the</strong> separation of <strong>the</strong> privileged upper and <strong>the</strong> non-privileged<br />

lower strata was particularly acute in <strong>the</strong> settler colonies where <strong>the</strong>re<br />

was a relatively large number of European residents. So-called people<br />

of ‘mixed-blood’ (Mischlinge), who blurred <strong>the</strong> boundaries between<br />

<strong>the</strong> races, were seen as a potential threat. Thus attempts were made<br />

to prevent such occurrences and, beginning in <strong>the</strong> English colonies<br />

22 Hitler, 17 September 1941; in Jochmann (1980: 62-63).

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