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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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142 development dialogue december 2008 – revisiting <strong>the</strong> heart of darkness<br />

serves <strong>the</strong> creation of group identity as a means to overcome <strong>the</strong> fallout<br />

of destruction’ (Gerlach 2006: 464). Surely it is obvious that perceptions<br />

of both survivor groups and individuals are shaped by <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

experiences and that <strong>the</strong>y are not guided by <strong>the</strong> impersonal rigours<br />

of scholarly debate? Moreover, by downplaying <strong>the</strong> Nazi ideology of<br />

biological racism Gerlach’s account occludes its function of identifying<br />

a hierarchy of ‘blood enemies’ as explaining <strong>the</strong> prioritisation of<br />

<strong>the</strong> ‘Final Solution’ by <strong>the</strong> Nazis. Denying <strong>the</strong> pure logic and salience<br />

of Nazi ideology is both unhelpful and ultimately misleading.<br />

Conversely, it is problematic to claim that ‘to think along <strong>the</strong> lines of<br />

<strong>the</strong> concept of genocide…implies <strong>the</strong> creation of hierarchies between<br />

diff erent forms of mass destruction, because some are not dignifi ed<br />

by that term’ (Gerlach 2006: 464). Is Gerlach suggesting that certain<br />

distinctions, say between ‘mass violence’ and ‘mass killings’ (Gerlach<br />

2006: 455), are meaningful but that o<strong>the</strong>rs, such as between ‘genocide’,<br />

‘crimes against humanity’ and ‘war crimes’ are less so? Each individual<br />

human life is equally valuable. But not all crimes fall into <strong>the</strong><br />

same category. According to Gerlach’s logic <strong>the</strong> distinction in criminal<br />

law between ‘manslaughter’ and ‘murder’, and between various<br />

‘degrees’ of murder, is misleading and unacceptable presumably because<br />

<strong>the</strong>se crimes have <strong>the</strong> same outcome. This is certainly true from<br />

<strong>the</strong> point of view of <strong>the</strong> victim. The similarity none<strong>the</strong>less ends <strong>the</strong>re.<br />

Premeditated murder is distinguished by <strong>the</strong> element of ‘intent’, and<br />

it is intent that imparts <strong>the</strong> crime of murder with its particular legal<br />

and moral opprobrium. Similarly, <strong>the</strong> Genocide <strong>Convention</strong> was<br />

never intended as a catch-all legal framework for <strong>the</strong> prosecution of<br />

all forms of ‘mass violence’. Responding to Dobkowski’s objection<br />

that Article II glosses over ‘structural violence’, Stein comments that<br />

this is ‘perhaps’ true,<br />

but if <strong>the</strong> concept genocide is expected to cover both ‘intentional’,<br />

and structured violence, it would vary substantially from <strong>the</strong> Article<br />

II defi nition and apply, <strong>the</strong>refore, to a diff erent phenomenon<br />

(Stein 2005: 184).<br />

It is an altoge<strong>the</strong>r diff erent question whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> legal defi nition of<br />

genocide can serve as a basis for meaningful scholarly debate. Since it<br />

is not clear if by <strong>the</strong> ‘de-facto concept of “genocide”’ Gerlach has <strong>the</strong><br />

Article II defi nition of genocide in mind, it is not possible to engage<br />

this aspect of his argument.<br />

Never<strong>the</strong>less, Gerlach is right to object to scholarly research that<br />

stresses <strong>the</strong> fate of European Jewry to <strong>the</strong> exclusion of o<strong>the</strong>r victim<br />

groups, although it would be mistaken to include in this category

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