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nobody knew about it, not even Blunt’s deputy, Oliver Millar, who succeeded him as<br />

Surveyor in 1972. Millar recalled:<br />

From quite early in my time as his deputy the day-to-day running of the office was left to me. He came, in<br />

fact, very seldom to the office in St James’s Palace and I used to go up to the Courtauld for a talk or we<br />

would ring each other up. He was absolutely charming to work with, always encouraging and receptive. He<br />

had the gift of handing over ‘sole charge’ to those whom he trusted and to whom he had given responsibility.<br />

In his early days as Surveyor he had been especially concerned to initiate a programme of conservation –<br />

cleaning and restoration – and to put in hand the compilation of detailed catalogues of the different sections<br />

of the collection. By the time he resigned he had become a rather distant figure, but he had always, so far as I<br />

can remember, avoided big formal occasions… he always got out of it by claiming to be too tired or busy. 12<br />

Elizabeth, therefore, hardly saw the traitor whom she was harbouring within her<br />

gates. The last public occasion with which he was involved was the opening of the<br />

Queen’s Gallery in 1962. It was none the less for her, and indeed for Blunt, a piquant<br />

situation which was perfectly portrayed in Alan Bennett’s 1988 play, A Question of<br />

Attribution. Her acceptance of the Blunt deal certainly saved the establishment a good<br />

deal of embarrassment, as the row which followed the unmasking of Blunt in 1979<br />

showed. The admission of Blunt’s guilt even then was forced out of the then Prime<br />

Minister, Margaret Thatcher, by the revelations of the investigative author Andrew<br />

Boyle, and it was only then that Elizabeth stripped him of his knighthood.<br />

The Profumo affair, coming as it did on the heels of the spy scandals of 1962 and<br />

1963, foreshadowed the end of the Macmillan era. Elizabeth had perhaps learned more<br />

from Macmillan than she had from her previous Prime Ministers. Although he had found<br />

their early contacts at the Tuesday audiences ‘somewhat difficult’ and forced, he came to<br />

lay great store by them and to take care that the discussions should be as full as<br />

possible, sending Elizabeth an agenda of the points he wished to discuss beforehand.<br />

‘This gave Her Majesty an opportunity to consider the issues involved, and frame her<br />

own views,’ his biographer wrote. Macmillan approached Elizabeth in much the same<br />

spirit of formal gallantry which Disraeli had used towards Queen Victoria, with a touch<br />

of Disraelian flourish and occasional floridity in his style. He was genuinely impressed<br />

by the depth of her knowledge, the assiduity with which she absorbed the vast mass of<br />

documentation sent to her and, even after relatively few years on the throne, her<br />

remarkable accumulation of political experience. Apart from the weekly audience they<br />

carried on a frequent correspondence. Macmillan wrote long reports giving her inside<br />

knowledge of events as they happened, particularly when he was abroad at meetings<br />

and conferences. Elizabeth responded in what Macmillan described as ‘a very informed<br />

and informal style’, writing in her own hand and addressing the envelopes herself even<br />

though she had plenty of people to do it for her. Macmillan no doubt exaggerated the<br />

closeness of his relationship with her; he could never resist making a good story out of<br />

his latest sojourn at Windsor or Sandringham to regale and impress friends at the<br />

smarter London clubs or grand country-house parties. At times, he once told<br />

Mountbatten, he ‘almost felt as if he were eavesdropping’; on one occasion he was

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