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SumerianGrammar

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THE VERB 83<br />

“pertaining to the fact that they are” = “because they are (. . .)”<br />

Gudea Cyl. A xxvi 15.<br />

Thomsen 1984, 273–78; Attinger 1993, 312 f.<br />

The free form is mainly used when [me] is understood as a “preterite”<br />

or “future” and when the form is nominalized by the particle [a].<br />

The [a] of [am] may be superseded by a preceding vowel: -bi-im<br />

[bi-(a)m]” “it is its (. . .)”; -zu-um [zu-(a)m] “it is your (. . .)”. It is<br />

unlikely that there was an original distribution of two forms: [am]<br />

after C and [m] after V because we find, e.g., hé-àm.<br />

[am] was written by AN in OS, transliterated as am 6 . From the<br />

frequent combination of the nominalizing particle [a] + copula [am],<br />

-a-am 6 [a’am] the more recent (Ur III) spelling A.AN = àm arose,<br />

probably after the hiatus originally present in [a’am] had disappeared,<br />

resulting in [âm].<br />

After the genitive particle [ak] and after [d] or [n], the CVC<br />

cuneograms kam, dam, and nam are normally used: za-a-kam [za(e)-<br />

(a)k-am] “it is yours”, min-nam [min-am] “it is two”.<br />

For enclitic [am] derivation from *i-m(e) (or *a-m(e)), i.e., a reduced<br />

free form with prefixed particle [i] or [a] has been proposed: Poebel<br />

1923, 72 ff., followed by Falkenstein 1949, 147. A heteronymous<br />

form is, however, more probable, because heteronymy in the copula<br />

conjugation is also found in other languages, e.g., Indo-European.<br />

12.7.2. Conjugation pattern 2a: Transitive<br />

Given its great similarity to pattern 1, we describe pattern 2a, marû,<br />

imperfective, before pattern 2b, ¢am†u, perfective.<br />

sg. 1 st ì-lá-en [i-laH-en] “I pay”<br />

sg. 2 nd ì-lá-en [i-laH-en]<br />

sg. 3 rd ì-lá-e [i-laH-e]<br />

pl. 1 st ì-lá-en-dè-en [i-laH-enden]<br />

pl. 2 nd ì-lá-en-zé-en [i-laH-enzen]<br />

pl. 3 rd (person class only) ì-lá-e-ne [i-laH-ene]<br />

The pattern offered here has been simplified because only one participant<br />

has been noted, the suffixed ergative markers; the second<br />

participant, the ‘object’ denoted by absolutive markers, has been disregarded<br />

here (see below p. 84 f.).

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