SumerianGrammar
SumerianGrammar
SumerianGrammar
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THE VERB 83<br />
“pertaining to the fact that they are” = “because they are (. . .)”<br />
Gudea Cyl. A xxvi 15.<br />
Thomsen 1984, 273–78; Attinger 1993, 312 f.<br />
The free form is mainly used when [me] is understood as a “preterite”<br />
or “future” and when the form is nominalized by the particle [a].<br />
The [a] of [am] may be superseded by a preceding vowel: -bi-im<br />
[bi-(a)m]” “it is its (. . .)”; -zu-um [zu-(a)m] “it is your (. . .)”. It is<br />
unlikely that there was an original distribution of two forms: [am]<br />
after C and [m] after V because we find, e.g., hé-àm.<br />
[am] was written by AN in OS, transliterated as am 6 . From the<br />
frequent combination of the nominalizing particle [a] + copula [am],<br />
-a-am 6 [a’am] the more recent (Ur III) spelling A.AN = àm arose,<br />
probably after the hiatus originally present in [a’am] had disappeared,<br />
resulting in [âm].<br />
After the genitive particle [ak] and after [d] or [n], the CVC<br />
cuneograms kam, dam, and nam are normally used: za-a-kam [za(e)-<br />
(a)k-am] “it is yours”, min-nam [min-am] “it is two”.<br />
For enclitic [am] derivation from *i-m(e) (or *a-m(e)), i.e., a reduced<br />
free form with prefixed particle [i] or [a] has been proposed: Poebel<br />
1923, 72 ff., followed by Falkenstein 1949, 147. A heteronymous<br />
form is, however, more probable, because heteronymy in the copula<br />
conjugation is also found in other languages, e.g., Indo-European.<br />
12.7.2. Conjugation pattern 2a: Transitive<br />
Given its great similarity to pattern 1, we describe pattern 2a, marû,<br />
imperfective, before pattern 2b, ¢am†u, perfective.<br />
sg. 1 st ì-lá-en [i-laH-en] “I pay”<br />
sg. 2 nd ì-lá-en [i-laH-en]<br />
sg. 3 rd ì-lá-e [i-laH-e]<br />
pl. 1 st ì-lá-en-dè-en [i-laH-enden]<br />
pl. 2 nd ì-lá-en-zé-en [i-laH-enzen]<br />
pl. 3 rd (person class only) ì-lá-e-ne [i-laH-ene]<br />
The pattern offered here has been simplified because only one participant<br />
has been noted, the suffixed ergative markers; the second<br />
participant, the ‘object’ denoted by absolutive markers, has been disregarded<br />
here (see below p. 84 f.).