SumerianGrammar
SumerianGrammar
SumerianGrammar
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136 CHAPTER TWELVE<br />
B-[ede] and following verb does not—as a rule—occur with B-[eda]<br />
for which see 12.14.3.2.<br />
Edzard 1967, 43; but see the reservations made by Attinger 1993, 307.<br />
12.14.3.2. B-[eda]<br />
As with B-[ede], B is always represented by the marû base of the verb.<br />
In analogy to B-[ede], therefore, a morphological analysis B-ed-a is<br />
obvious. B-[eda] would, formally, constitute a marû participle B-[ed]<br />
with the addition of the locative particle [a].<br />
é-a-ni §rú-da ma-an-du 11 “(Ningirsu) told me (to build =) I should<br />
build his house” Gudea Cyl. A iv 20.<br />
gidri-u ∞ 4 -sù-§ rá “u ∞gá-∞gá-da ... d Ig-alim ...en d Nin-∞gír-su-ra me-nida<br />
mu-na-da-dib-e “(Gudea) brings Ig-alim along with himself (and<br />
introduces him) to the lord Ningirsu . . ., that he (Ig-alim) hand over<br />
a sceptre for long days” Gudea Cyl. B vi 16–23.<br />
Note: Many parallel examples for B-[eda] in Gudea Cyl. B vi 11–x 17. They<br />
were listed in Edzard 1972, 25–27; see Edzard 1997, 92–94, for a recent translation.<br />
In all the examples (numbering 25) the subject implied in B-[eda] and the<br />
subject of the following verb are different, so that B-[eda] is clearly set off against<br />
B-[ede] (see 12.14.3.1).<br />
Edzard 1967, 43; Thomsen 1984, 266. However, as with B-[ede], note Attinger’s<br />
reservations (1993, 307).<br />
In OB Sumerian literary texts, different manuscripts are occasionally<br />
inconsistent in their use of B-[ede], B-[eda], or even B-[edam],<br />
so that the awareness of the distinction of the respective forms may<br />
have been lost.<br />
12.14.3.3. B-[ada]<br />
Although B-[ada] occurs in contexts where it is clearly syntactically<br />
paralleled with B-[eda] [B-ed-a], it cannot be analysed as *B-ad-a<br />
because we know of no morpheme *[ad].<br />
B in B-[ada] is always represented by the ¢am†u base of the verb.<br />
B-[ada] forms are always intransitive or passive and never have an<br />
ergative subject.<br />
Since we explain B-[ede] and B-[eda] as marû participle constructions,<br />
it would only be logical to define B-[ada] as the ¢am†u<br />
participle with the addition of a case particle. Here, then, comitative<br />
[da] offers itself. Krecher 1978, 401 f. fn. 21, opened the way<br />
to this explanation.<br />
Note: The analysis of B-[ada] as B-a-da may challenge our analysis of B-[eda]<br />
as [B-ed-a] (12.14.3.2), with locative [a], and lead to propose *[B-ed-da] instead
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