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78 CHAPTER TWELVE<br />

sg. pl.<br />

¢. a c<br />

m. b c<br />

12.4.7.<br />

DU<br />

tu“ durun de 6 lah 5 (DU.DU) lah 4 ( DU<br />

)<br />

DU<br />

dúr durun tùmu lah 5 (DU.DU) lah 4 ( DU<br />

)<br />

“sit”<br />

“carry away”<br />

Here, the grid is divided both “horizontally” and “vertically”. The<br />

sg. has different bases for ¢am†u and marû, and there is a base for<br />

the plural of both ¢am†u and marû (formally related to m. sg.).<br />

Steinkeller 1979, 55 f. fn. 6, noted that OS TU”.TU” stands for<br />

durun x (not *durun-durun, as was supposed by Yoshikawa 1981, 115).<br />

Note also Krecher 1995: TU”.TU” = durun x . Cf. above 12.4.2 for<br />

Ur III TI.TI = marû [ti∞g-e].<br />

ki-dam-A-NE-a-ti-ka ì-dú-ru-né-“a-àm [i-durun-e“-am] “they reside<br />

with A.’s wife” NG no. 214:41.<br />

For lah 5 and lah 4 see Steinkeller 1979, 54–67, esp. 57–60.<br />

Whereas tu“ etc. is intransitive, de 6 etc. is transitive. With de 6 , therefore,<br />

the absolutive to which the plurality refers is the ‘object’.<br />

However, apart from being transitive, [lah] may occur as a passive:<br />

ba-lah 5 “were carried away” (Steinkeller 1979, 59 f.).<br />

Note: Steinkeller 1979, 65 compared Caucasian (Georgian, Svan, etc.) and North<br />

American Indian languages (Athapascan, etc.) for pl. verbs implying a pl. object.<br />

sg. pl.<br />

¢. a c<br />

m. b d<br />

12.4.8.<br />

∞gen [ere]<br />

du su 8 (-b)<br />

“go”<br />

The verb “to go” presents pecularities and irregularities in so many<br />

languages that there is no need to quote examples. It is no surprise<br />

that “to go” holds the record in Sumerian for base variants and<br />

that, what is more, all four are heteronymic.<br />

The decisive study of these variants is Krecher 1967, 1–11 “Die<br />

pluralischen Verben für ‘gehen’ und ‘stehen’ im Sumerischen”.<br />

Pl. ¢am†u DU.DU and DU<br />

DU<br />

represent the same evolution of spelling<br />

as with the pl. of gub “to stand” (see 12.4.7).

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