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SumerianGrammar

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THE VERB 123<br />

ù-dé [u-e-de] “would you pour”, ibid. 58 ù-gaz “would you crush”,<br />

and see 66, 80, and passim.<br />

A frozen form ù-/u-me-ni-B “would you please . . .” is found in<br />

post-OB incantations, in prescriptions to perform a ritual, e.g., e 4 ...<br />

∞<br />

ù-me-ni-dé, ge“ “inig... ù-me-ni-“ub “would you pour water (in a jug),<br />

throw a (twig of ) tamarisk into it” Falkenstein 1931, 90:28 f.<br />

12.12.2. Connecting indicator [inga]<br />

The preposed particle [inga] occurs in its full form, inga-, in verb<br />

initial position (see 12.12.2.1) as well as after [nu“] (see 12.12.2.7);<br />

it is -Vn-ga- [nga] after a preceding vowel (see 12.12.2.2–6).<br />

The question arises whether [inga] might be segmentized into [i]<br />

+ [nga]. In such a case we would have to define [i] (see 12.9) as<br />

the modal indicator for the indicative (cf. table on p. 112 f.), instead<br />

of giving it the value [ø].<br />

Thomsen 1984, 169–72, only notes an element [ga] instead of<br />

[inga]. In her theory, [i], preceding [ga], is nasalized, so that [inga]<br />

would represent *[ĩ-ga]. See above, 12.9, for arguments militating<br />

against the existence of a nasalized element *[Û].<br />

As a connecting indicator, [inga] stands out by its ability to combine<br />

with at least five positive modal particles (GA-, HÉ-, NA II -,<br />

”A-. NU”-) as well as with negative NU-.<br />

The functions of [inga] have been summed up by Attinger 1993,<br />

297 f., as indicating “et alors”, “et par conséquence”, “(et) aussi . . . que”,<br />

“et de plus”, “(et) de nouveau”, “non seulement ... mais encore”.<br />

See 12.12.2.1 ff. [inga], as a rule, only occurs with a second (or<br />

third . . .) verbal form in a series, and it is only found in first position<br />

when it is followed by a second verbal form with [inga].<br />

[inga] was given much attention in the grammatical lists, both<br />

OBGT and NBGT. Cf., e.g., in-ga-me-en-dè-en, in-ga-me-en-danam—nìnuma<br />

“it is we; we too” OBGT I 410 f. (MSL 4, 51), also<br />

lines 412–418 where, each time, [inga] is rendered by suffixed -ma<br />

in Akkadian.<br />

The NBGT 205–208 (MSL 4, 137) list un-ga, an-ga, in-ga, enga<br />

(in the well-known u-a-i(-e) sequence) = ù “and”, preceded by<br />

lines 202–204 ù, bi, bi-da = ù “and”. un-ga etc. were treated separately<br />

from such strings as nu-un-ga-; na-na-ga-, ga-an-ga-; in-ga-,<br />

“i-in-ga-; hé-en-ga-—an example of the efforts of cuneiform scribes

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