131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
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Page 49<br />
prehensive system. For the sense of justice of an entire historical epoch, they seemed to be<br />
essential and indispensable. What was to be secured through the balance guaranteed by<br />
openness and discussion was nothing less than truth and justice itself. One believed that<br />
naked power and force—for liberal, Rechtsstaat thinking, an evil in itself, "the way of<br />
beasts," as Locke said 48 —could be overcome through openness and discussion alone, and<br />
the victory of right over might achieved. There is an utterly typical expression for this way of<br />
thinking: "discussion in place of force." In this formulation, it comes from a man who was<br />
certainly not brilliant, not even important, but a typical adherent, perhaps, of the bourgeois<br />
monarchy. He summarized the warp and woof of the whole complex fabric of constitutional<br />
and parliamentary thought: All progress, including social progress, is realized "through<br />
representative institutions, that is, regulated liberty—through public discussion, that is,<br />
reason.'' 49<br />
The reality of parliamentary and party political life and public convictions are today far<br />
removed from such beliefs. Great political and economic decisions on which the fate of<br />
mankind rests no longer result today (if they ever did) from balancing opinions in public<br />
debate and counterdebate. Such decisions are no longer the outcome of parliamentary debate.<br />
The participation of popular representatives in government—parliamentary government—has<br />
proven the most effective means of abolishing the division of powers, and with it the old<br />
concept of parliamentarism. As things stand today, it is of course practically impossible not<br />
to work with committees, and increasingly smaller committees; in this way the parliamentary<br />
plenum gradually drifts away from its purpose (that is, from its public), and as a result it<br />
necessarily becomes a mere façade. It may be that there is no other practical alternative. But<br />
one must then at least have enough awareness of the historical situation to see that<br />
parliamentarism thus abandons its intellectual foundation and that the whole system of<br />
freedom of speech, assembly, and the press, of public meetings, parliamentary immunities<br />
and privileges, is losing its rationale. Small and exclusive<br />
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