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131214840-Carl-Schmitt

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Page xxiii<br />

portance of active mass democratization is that the political leader no longer becomes a<br />

candidate because he is esteemed within a circle of political notables and then, as a result of<br />

his work in parliament, becomes the leader. Rather, he wins his political power through<br />

mass-demagogic means and holds it on the basis of the trust and confidence of the masses."<br />

36 Because of the danger of caesarism he thought it implied, Weber at that time opposed<br />

direct election of many state offices: "Every kind of direct election of the highest authorities,<br />

and in fact every kind of political power that depends on the trust of the masses [and] not<br />

parliament . . . is on the way toward this 'pure' form of caesaristic acclamation." 37 Caesaristic<br />

leaders come to power either through the military (Napoleon I) or by direct appeal to the<br />

people in plebiscites (Napoleon III). Both, Weber argued, are fundamental contradictions of<br />

the parliamentary principle. 38<br />

A year later Weber's views had changed. In "Deutschlands künftige Staatsform," he argued<br />

for a "plebiscitary Reichspräsident" with power to appeal directly to the people in case of a<br />

governmental deadlock, and he saw referenda as a means to resolve conflicts between the<br />

federal and unitary agencies of the state. 39 Three months after "Deutschlands künftige<br />

Staatsform" appeared and after Friedrich Ebert had been elected as the first Reichspräsident<br />

by the National Assembly in Weimar, Weber wrote that ''future Reichspräsident(s) must be<br />

directly elected by the people." 40 Although most of his misgivings about popular election<br />

seemed to have been assuaged, an element of Weber's earlier fears remained. Presidential<br />

power should, be balanced by parliamentary power and defined in such a way that it could be<br />

used only "in temporarily insoluble crises (through a suspensive veto and the appointment of<br />

bureaucratic ministers). But one must give him independent ground under his feet through<br />

popular election. Otherwise the whole Reich structure will wobble in a parliamentary crisis—<br />

and with at least four or five parties, these will not be infrequent." 41<br />

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