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131214840-Carl-Schmitt

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Page 28<br />

this democratic dialectic. Their leader Lilburne wrote in his Legal Fundamental Principles of<br />

the People of England (1649) that only the ''well-affected" should have voting rights, that the<br />

elected representatives of these "well-affected" people must have legislative power<br />

completely in their hands, and that the constitution must be a contract signed by the "wellaffected."<br />

15<br />

Democracy seems fated then to destroy itself in the problem of the formation of a will. For<br />

radical democrats, democracy as such has its own value without reference to the content of<br />

the politics pursued with the help of democracy. If the danger exists that democracy might be<br />

used in order to defeat democracy, 16 then the radical democrat has to decide whether to<br />

remain a democrat against the majority or to give up his own position. As soon as democracy<br />

takes on the content of a self-sufficient value, then one can no longer remain (in the formal<br />

sense) a democrat at any price. It is a remarkable fact and a necessity, but in no way an<br />

abstract dialectic or sophistical game. 17 It often happens that democrats are in the minority. It<br />

also happens that they decide on the basis of a supposedly democratic principle in favor of<br />

women's suffrage and then have the experience that the majority of women do not vote<br />

democratically. Then the familiar program of "people's education" unfolds: The people can<br />

be brought to recognize and express their own will correctly through the right education. This<br />

means nothing else but that the educator identifies his will at least provisionally with that of<br />

the people, not to mention that the content of the education that the pupil will receive is also<br />

decided by the educator. The consequence of this educational theory is a dictatorship that<br />

suspends democracy in the name of a true democracy that is still to be created. Theoretically,<br />

this does not destroy democracy, but it is important to pay attention to it because it shows<br />

that dictatorship is not antithetical to democracy. Even during a transitional period dominated<br />

by the dictator, a democratic identity can still exist and the will of the people can still be the<br />

exclusive criterion. It is then particularly noticeable that the single practical question affected<br />

is the<br />

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