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131214840-Carl-Schmitt

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Page 72<br />

Their practical result is systematic subjugation and slavery, horror in the shape of justice and<br />

a mechanistic apparatus. Dictatorship is nothing but a military-bureaucratic-police machine,<br />

born from the rationalist spirit. In contrast, the revolutionary use of force by the masses is an<br />

expression of immediate life, often wild and barbaric, but never systematically horrible and<br />

inhuman.<br />

The dictatorship of the proletariat also meant for Sorel, as for those who see it in the context<br />

of intellectual history, a repetition of 1793. When the revisionist Bernstein expressed the<br />

opinion that this dictatorship would probably be that of a club of talkers and literati, he<br />

certainly had in mind the imitation of 1793. Sorel answered him: The concept of a<br />

dictatorship of the proletariat is the received inheritance of the ancien régime. 19 It had the<br />

consequence that a new bureaucratic and military apparatus had to be set up in place of the<br />

old one, as the Jacobins had done. It would be a new regime of intellectuals and ideologists,<br />

but not proletarian freedom. Even Engels, from whom the phrase stems and who thought that<br />

a dictatorship of the proletariat would end as in 1793, was in Sorel's eyes a typical<br />

rationalist. 20 But it does not follow from this that the proletarian revolution must happen as a<br />

revisionist-pacifist-parliamentarian revolution. Rather in the place of the mechanically<br />

concentrated power of the bourgeois state there appears a creative proletarian force—<br />

"violence" appears in place of power. This is only a belligerent act, not a juridical and<br />

administrative measure. Marx did not yet know the difference, because he still lived with<br />

traditional political conceptions. The proletarian, unpolitical syndicates and the proletarian<br />

general strike have created specifically new means of struggle, which make the simple<br />

repetition of old political and military tactics completely impossible. For the proletariat, the<br />

only danger is that it might lose its weapons through parliamentary democracy and allow<br />

itself to be paralyzed. 21<br />

If one may reply to an irrationalist theory as decisive as this one with argument, 22 one must<br />

point out its numerous discrepancies—not its logical mistakes, but its inorganic<br />

contradictions. Above all<br />

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