131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
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Page 78<br />
Fascism have been treated in just this manner in an essay that is otherwise fascinating for its<br />
wealth of ideas. Although it is rewarding to extract the actual conclusions of this study, it<br />
must also be said at once that this is a very difficult business in which happy agreement and a<br />
negative critique very nearly counterbalance each other. <strong>Schmitt</strong>'s text lacks, it seems to me,<br />
a coherent perspective. So far as a living whole can be divided into two rough halves at all,<br />
one could say this study is on the one hand a purely scientific contribution to our<br />
understanding of certain political ideas and their philosophical connections; the rest of it<br />
appears to be a kind of constitutional-political thesis and prognosis.<br />
(a) This second aspect, which shall be dealt with first here, seems to me unsuccessful and<br />
inadequate. The intention of the author is not to repeat an already well-known and tiresome<br />
catalogue of the failings of modern parliamentary practice (p. 18ff.), but rather to explore<br />
''the ultimate core of the institution of modern parliament," from which it can be seen how far<br />
"this institution has lost its intellectual foundation and only remains standing as an empty<br />
apparatus." To the question (p. 33) "Why has parliament been in fact the ultimum sapientiae<br />
for many generations, and on what has the belief in this institution rested for over a century?"<br />
he gives the answer that the rationale for parliamentary institutions is not to be found in the<br />
familiar argument that the elected committee must function as a surrogate for an assembly of<br />
citizens that is no longer practically possible, as in what Smend has called the "dynamicdialectic":<br />
"public deliberation of argument and counterargument, public debate and public<br />
discussion" in parliament and the free press. (p. 34). That was already expressed by others,<br />
for example, by Forçade (p. 103, note 49) and above all by Guizot. To this there is also<br />
joined the belief that through a free competition of opinions and aims, through discussion and<br />
public opinion, the "truth" can be discovered and parliament would thus be the defender of<br />
justice or at least of relatively better legislation and policies. Thus the "secret practices" of<br />
absolutism could be overcome; thus a government<br />
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