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131214840-Carl-Schmitt

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Page xxxix<br />

to a debate on the fundamental institutions of liberal democracy in the first German republic.<br />

<strong>Schmitt</strong>'s text was not an isolated example of the concern many Germans felt at the<br />

instability of parliamentary government and the uncertain authority of Weimar's political<br />

institutions. But <strong>Schmitt</strong>'s analysis of these problems is distinguished from most<br />

contemporary comment by the emphasis he placed on "the intellectual foundations of a<br />

specifically intended institution." He aimed at an explanation of "the ultimate core of the<br />

institution of modern parliament" and believed he had found it in discussion and openness. 92<br />

Only on the basis of this knowledge could the crisis of parliamentarism be understood and<br />

reform of parliamentary democracy undertaken. Richard Thoma thought this the book's<br />

weakness, Rudolf Smend saw it as <strong>Schmitt</strong>'s strength. Hermann Heller agreed that part of the<br />

crisis of parliamentarism in Weimar was normative, but he disagreed with <strong>Schmitt</strong> on its<br />

cause and cure. Yet all his readers and contemporaries agreed on one point: the radicalism of<br />

<strong>Schmitt</strong>'s approach, not just to the idea and institution of parliament, but to the assumptions<br />

of liberal political thought as a whole.<br />

<strong>Schmitt</strong>'s political science broke apart the conception of liberal democracy by starting with<br />

an apparently unpolitical theme, truth and reason. Following this thread through the history<br />

of liberalism led <strong>Schmitt</strong>, as Rudolf Smend recognized, to see the "dynamic-dialectic" of<br />

parliamentarism first in parliamentary institutions as the political agent of enlightened<br />

opinion and, second, in the structure of public opinion that should check and inform political<br />

decision. In the first, liberal theory sets a practical precondition for the attainment of truth<br />

(and hence justice) in political life in the idea of a free mandate for the people's<br />

representatives in parliament. If practice contradicts this idea—if representatives speak and<br />

act on behalf of particular interests or as delegates of their parties—the legitimacy of<br />

parliamentarism undergoes a fundamental change. The issue of parliamentary integrity and<br />

the notion of free and open discussion that is bound up with it is a question not simply of the<br />

incorruptibility of legislators (although<br />

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