131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
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Page 66<br />
tradition and from all the moral and educational notions with which Marx and Engels<br />
themselves still quite obviously lived. The theory of a dictatorship of the proletariat, which is<br />
today officially accepted by the Marxist parties, would certainly be a good example of the<br />
fact that a rationalism conscious of its own historical development clamors for the use of<br />
force; and numerous parallels between the Jacobin dictatorship of 1793 and the Soviet<br />
system can be pointed to in the attitudes, in the arguments, in organizational and<br />
administrative application. The entire organization of teaching and education created by the<br />
Soviet government for its so-called Proletkult is an excellent example of a radical<br />
educational dictatorship. 2 But that does not explain why the idea of the industrial proletariat<br />
in the modern great city should have achieved such dominance precisely in Russia. The<br />
explanation can be found in the presence of a new irrationalist motive for the use of force<br />
that was also active there: This is not a rationalism that transforms itself through a radical<br />
exaggeration into its own opposite and fantasizes utopias, but finally a new evaluation of<br />
rational thought, a new belief in instinct and intuition that lays to rest every belief in<br />
discussion and would also reject the possibility that mankind could be made ready for<br />
discussion through an educational dictatorship.<br />
Of those writings which are of interest here, only Enrico Ferri's "revolutionary method" is<br />
known in Germany, thanks to its translation by Robert Michels (in Grünberger's collection of<br />
the principal works of socialism). 3 The following exposition is based on Georges Sorel's<br />
Réflexions sur la violence, which allows the historical connection between these ideas to be<br />
recognized most clearly. 4 This book has in addition the advantage of many original historical<br />
and philosophical perceptions and acknowledges openly its intellectual debt to Proudhon,<br />
Bakunin, and Bergson. Its influence is noticeably greater than one can grasp at first glance,<br />
and it is certainly not refuted by the fact that Bergson has become passé. 5 Benedetto Croce<br />
believes that Sorel has given the Marxist dream a new form, but that the idea of democracy<br />
has triumphed among the working classes once and for all. 6 After the<br />
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