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131214840-Carl-Schmitt

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Page 74<br />

tempt. I believe that the history of this image of the bourgeois is just as important as the<br />

history of the bourgeoisie itself. A figure of contempt first created by the aristocracy was<br />

propagated in the nineteenth century by romantic artists and poets. Since the growth of<br />

Stendhal's influence, all literati hold the bourgeoisie in contempt, even when they live off<br />

him or when they are the favorite lecturers of a bourgeois public, just as Murger with his<br />

Bohéme. More important than such caricatures is the hatred of a socially déclassé genius such<br />

as Baudelaire, who infuses a new life into this image. The figure created in France by French<br />

authors based on the French bourgeois has taken on the dimension of a world-historical<br />

construction through the work of Marx and Engels. They gave it the meaning of the last<br />

representative of a prehistorical humanity that was divided into classes, the very last enemy<br />

of mankind, the last odium generis humani. In this way the image of the bourgeois has been<br />

boundlessly extended and carried further away toward the east with a fantastic, not only<br />

world-historical, but also metaphysical background. There it was able to give new life to the<br />

Russian hatred for the complication, artificiality, and intellectualism of Western European<br />

civilization, and in turn be reinvigorated by it. All the energies that had created this image<br />

were united on Russian soil. Both the Russian and the proletarian saw now in the bourgeois<br />

the incarnation of everything that sought to enslave life's art in a deadly mechanism.<br />

This image migrated from the west to the east. But there it seized a myth for itself that no<br />

longer grew purely out of the instinct for class conflict, but contained strong nationalist<br />

elements. Sorel dedicated the last edition of his Réflexions sur la violence in 1919 to Lenin,<br />

as a kind of testament or apology. 23 He called him the greatest theorist of socialism since<br />

Marx and compared him as a statesman to Peter the Great. The difference was that today<br />

Russia no longer assimilated West European intellectualism, but on the contrary, the<br />

proletarian use of force here at least had reached its apotheosis—namely, that Russia again<br />

could be Russian, Moscow again the capital, and the<br />

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