131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
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Page 38<br />
are in fact just as necessary for absolutism as business and economic secrets are for an<br />
economic life that depends on private property and competition.<br />
Cabinet politics, conducted by a few people behind closed doors, now appears something eo<br />
ipso evil, and as a result, the openness of political life seems to be right and good just<br />
because of its openness. Openness becomes an absolute value, although at first it was only a<br />
practical means to combat the bureaucratic, specialist-technical secret politics of absolutism.<br />
The elimination of secret politics and secret diplomacy becomes a wonder cure for every<br />
kind of political disease and corruption, and public opinion becomes a totally effective<br />
controlling force. Of course, public opinion attained this absolute character first in the<br />
eighteenth century, during the Enlightenment. The light of the public is the light of the<br />
Enlightenment, a liberation from superstition, fanaticism, and ambitious intrigue. In every<br />
system of Enlightened despotism, public opinion plays the role of an absolute corrective. The<br />
power of a despot can be all the greater as Enlightenment increases, for Enlightened public<br />
opinion makes the abuse of power impossible in itself. For the Enlightened, that can be taken<br />
for granted. Le Mercier de la Rivière developed the notion systematically. 12 Condorcet<br />
attempted to draw out its practical conclusions with an enthusiastic belief in freedom of<br />
speech and the press that is very moving when one remembers the experiences of recent<br />
generations: Where there is freedom of the press, the misuse of power is unthinkable; a single<br />
free newspaper would destroy the most powerful tyrant; the printing press is the basis of<br />
freedom, ''the art that creates liberty." 13 Even Kant was in this respect only an expression of<br />
the political belief of his time, a belief in the progress of publicity and in the public's ability<br />
to enlighten itself inevitably, if it were only free to do so. 14 In England the fanatic of liberal<br />
rationality was Jeremy Bentham. Before him, argument in England had been essentially<br />
practical and pragmatic. Bentham proclaimed the significance of a free press from a liberal<br />
ideology: Freedom of public discussion, especially freedom of the<br />
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