131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
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Page xxxi<br />
critique of parliamentarism and his preoccupation with the consequences of legal positivism.<br />
Representative versus Plebiscitary Democracy<br />
Richard Thoma's judgment in 1930 that "German democracy is overwhelmingly and<br />
fundamentally liberal and indirect, in contrast to an egalitarian-radical democratism [sic] to<br />
whose demands only very few concessions were given in the Weimar constitution," 67 echoed<br />
his interpretation of the Republic's democratic principle in its first years. His article "Der<br />
Begriff der modernen Demokratie" (1922) 68 identified democracy with "formal democracy"<br />
or the extension of universal suffrage in a state; a democracy is, Thoma argued, the negation,<br />
of an authoritarian state (Obrigkeitsstaat), ''responsible government" as opposed to autocratic<br />
government. But the crucial aspect of Thoma's argument was his denial that democracy<br />
implied any substantial beliefs or politics; rather, in his view, democracy was a matter of<br />
forms and procedures, such as the secrecy of ballots, majority rule, and due process. In terms<br />
of this concept, Thoma argued, the German Republic was a liberal democracy: The parties<br />
were required for its functioning, and its workings as a democratic system depended on<br />
indirect expression of the popular will. Thoma contrasted Weimar's liberal, indirect<br />
democracy to radical democracy based on egalitarianism, plebiscitary elections, and<br />
referenda. Writing in the same year, Rudolf Smend also noted that parliamentary government<br />
was typical of the "bürgerlich-liberal culture of the nineteenth century, originally represented<br />
by the rationalistic belief in the productive power of a political dialectic as the form of the<br />
automatic achievement of political truth—in the classical age of English 'government by<br />
talking,' it was the form in which the political world of a country was represented with more<br />
or less absorption." 69 In such states, Smend concluded, the substantial, real contents of<br />
political life were secondary, except for the general attachment to liberty; the primary<br />
integration factors were elections,<br />
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