131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
131214840-Carl-Schmitt
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an "equal chance" to come to power in the state because they were committed to<br />
destroying the substance of the constitution. Cf. Joseph W. Bendersky, <strong>Carl</strong> <strong>Schmitt</strong>:<br />
Theorist for the Reich (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 144ff.<br />
Page 96<br />
17. Very informative on the democratic dialectic is Lorenz von Stein, Die socialistischen<br />
und communistischen Bewegungen, 1848, Appendix, 25–26. [<strong>Schmitt</strong> refers to Stein's<br />
appendices "Briefe über Frankreich." The argument of the fourth letter, "Die Kammer,"<br />
clearly influenced <strong>Schmitt</strong>'s conception of parliamentarism. Stein writes about the<br />
French parliament in May 1848: "The lack of all real activity, all initiative, all<br />
independent intervention, the slowness of its own movements even in important areas, as<br />
for example the consideration of the constitutional recommendation, immediately<br />
demonstrated to the independent observer that the dominant elements were no longer in<br />
the chamber, but fought each other outside it." This state of parliamentary impotence,<br />
Stein argues, proves that ''pure democracy and absolute democratic forms" were finished<br />
in France; democracy "was powerless, and still is" because the first principle of<br />
democracy is majority rule—but "the weakness of democracy lay in the fact that its own<br />
principles [such as majority rule] forced it to serve interests that would eliminate<br />
democracy's foundation, equality." See Lorenz von Stein, "Die socialistischen und<br />
communistischen Bewegungen seit der dritten französischen Revolution," Appendix in<br />
Stein's Socialismus und Communismus des heutigen Frankreichs (Leipzig: Wigand,<br />
1848), 25–26. This issue was a persistent theme in <strong>Schmitt</strong>'s work during the Republic;<br />
cf. "Legalität und gleiche Chance politischer Machtgewinnung," in Legalität und<br />
Legitimität. —tr.]<br />
18. Charles Maurras, L'avenir de l'intelligence (Paris: Albert Fontemong, 1905, 2d<br />
edition), 98.<br />
19. [Tr.] The Holy Alliance was formed in 1815 as a defense against democratic and<br />
revolutionary political movements in Europe after the French Revolution. It was based<br />
on a charter of substantial political goals and a shared identity among member states as<br />
Christian powers. By contrast the League of Nations had no such identity, as <strong>Schmitt</strong>'s<br />
remark notes.<br />
20. [Tr.] Cf. <strong>Carl</strong> <strong>Schmitt</strong>, Die Kernfrage des Völkerbundes (Berlin: Ferdinand<br />
Dümmler, 1926).<br />
21. [Tr.] Cf. <strong>Schmitt</strong>'s Politische Theologic (Munich & Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot,<br />
1922).<br />
2—<br />
The Principles of Parliamentarism<br />
1. Egon Zweig, Die Lehre vom pouvoir constituant (Tübingen: Mohr, 1909).<br />
2. [Tr] Monarchists in the French National Assembly argued that a single man could be<br />
the representative of the people. Cf. Karl Löwenstein, Volk und Parlament nach der<br />
Staatstheorie der französischen Nationalversammlung von 1789 (Munich: Drei Masken<br />
Verlag, 1922).<br />
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