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131214840-Carl-Schmitt

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ernment, and influence the selection of ministers who are responsible to it, assumes that<br />

belief.<br />

Page 34<br />

The oldest justification for parliament, constantly repeated through the centuries, takes into<br />

account an extreme "expedient": 1 The people in its entirety must decide, as was originally<br />

the case when all members of the community could assemble themselves under the village<br />

tree. But for practical reasons it is impossible today for everyone to come together at the<br />

same time in one place; it is also impossible to ask everyone about every detail. Because of<br />

this, one helps oneself quite reasonably with an elected committee of responsible people, and<br />

parliament is precisely that. So the familiar scale originated: Parliament is a committee of the<br />

people, the government is a committee of parliament. The notion of parliamentarism thereby<br />

appears to be something essentially democratic. But in spite of all its coincidence with<br />

democratic ideas and all the connections it has to them, parliamentarism is not democracy<br />

any more than it is realized in the practical perspective of expediency. If for practical and<br />

technical reasons the representatives of the people can decide instead of the people<br />

themselves, then certainly a single trusted representative could also decide in the name of the<br />

same people. 2 Without ceasing to be democratic, the argument would justify an<br />

antiparliamentary Caesarism. Consequently, this cannot be specific to the idea of<br />

parliamentarism, and the essential point is not that parliament is a committee of the people, a<br />

council of trusted men. There is even a contradiction here in that parliament, as the first<br />

committee, is independent of the people throughout the electoral period and is not usually<br />

subject to recall, whereas the parliamentary government, the second committee, is always<br />

dependent on the trust of the first committee and can therefore be recalled at any time.<br />

The ratio of parliament rests, according to the apt characterization of Rudolf Smend, 3 in a<br />

"dynamic-dialectic," that is, in a process of confrontation of differences and opinions, from<br />

which the real political will results. The essence of parliament is therefore public deliberation<br />

of argument and counterargument, public debate and public discussion,<br />

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