131214840-Carl-Schmitt

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technical forces." In contrast to this depoliticization Schmitt saw the church as "the
protector of political form as such." The church, according to Muth, is entitled to "call
nations to order" when they offend against natural or divine law. For a much later attack
on "Catholic dictatorship"—the chancellorship of Heinrich Brüning—see Carl von
Ossietzsky, "Katholische Diktator,'' Die Weltbühne 27 (1931), 481–487. On Schmitt's
Catholic education and cultural inheritance see Joseph W. Bendersky, Carl Schmitt:
Theorist for the Reich (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 3ff.
4. [Tr.] On the French "doctrinaire liberal" tradition see Luis Diez del Corral,
Doktrinärer Liberalismus. Guizot und sein Kreis (Neuwied am Rhein & Berlin:
Luchterhand, 1964). On the Benthamite tradition and Mill see Frederick Rosen, Jeremy
Bentham and Representative Democracy: A Study of the Constitutional Code (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1983); and Joseph Hamburger, Intellectuals in Politics: John
Stuart Mill and the Philosophical Radicals (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965).
On Burke and the English conservative tradition of representative thought see Alfred
Cobban, Edmund Burke and the Revolt against the Eighteenth Century (London: George
Allen and Unwin, 1929). It is not clear which of the texts by Burke, Bentham, Mill, and
Guizot Schmitt had in mind here; he only makes specific reference to Bentham's "On the
Liberty of the Press and Public Discussion" (1821) and Guizot's Histoire des origines du
gouvernement représentatif en France (1851). Schmitt would probably have known
Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) and J. S. Mill's On Liberty
(1859), whose account of parliamentary reason he appears to have taken over; he may
also have known Mill's Representative Government (1861).
5. [Tr.] Schmitt's reference to the revolutions of 1848 already indicates that the conflict
that he asserts exists between democracy and parliamentarism is the result of social
change in Europe. In France the revolution was directed against a bourgeois
parliamentary government. Lorenz von Stein, Geshichte der soziale Bewegung im
Frankreich von 1789 bis auf unsere Tage (Leipzig: Wigand, 1850), 3 vols. Cf. Carl
Schmitt, "Die Stellung Lorenz yon Stein in der Geschichte des 19. Jahrhundert,"
Schmollers Jahrbuch 64 (1940), 641–646.
6. An absolutely typical example is the definition of parliamentarism in the book by
Gaetano Mosca, Teorica dei Governi e Governo Parlamentare (Milan, 1925), 147; by
parliamentarism he understands a government in which political superiority in the state
belongs to elements chosen, directly or indirectly, through elections. The popular
equation of a representative constitution and parliamentarism also contains this mistake.
[Schmitt's reference is to the second edition. Teorica dei Governi e Governo was first
published in 1884 (Rome: Ermanno Loescher, 1884) —tr.]
7. [Tr.] Schmitt refers to Italian Fascism. The term Fascism is taken from the Italian
fascio (bund or bundle) and fasces, in Latin the ancient symbol of governmental
authority. First used to designate a political movement in Italy under Benito Mussolini
(1922–1943)—to which Schmitt refers in this text when he mentions Fascism—the word
later became a collective term for nationalistic, antidemocratic, and antiliberal reaction
in Europe. See Carl Schmitt's review of Erwin von Beckerath's Wesen und Werden des
faschistischen Staates, in Schmollers Jahrbuch 53 (1929), 107–113. The Bolshevists
were at first only a faction in the 1917 revolution in Russia, led by Lenin and Trotsky.
At the All-Soviet Congress, they had fewer delegates (108) than the Mensheviks (248)
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