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131214840-Carl-Schmitt

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Page 40<br />

theory, and whose systematic investigation has not yet begun—for example, the state as a<br />

machine, the state as an organism, the king as the keystone of an arch, as a flag, or as the soul<br />

of a ship—the imagery of balance is most important for the modern age. Since the sixteenth<br />

century the image of a balance can be found in every aspect of intellectual life (Woodrow<br />

Wilson was certainly the first to acknowledge this in his speeches on freedom): a balance of<br />

trade in international economics, the European balance of power in foreign politics, the<br />

cosmic equilibrium of attraction and repulsion, the balance of the passions in the works of<br />

Malebranche and Shaftesbury, even a balanced diet is recommended by J. J. Moser. The<br />

importance for state theory of this universally employed conception is demonstrated by a few<br />

names: Harrington, Locke, Bolingbroke, Montesquieu, Mably, de Lolme, The Federalist, and<br />

the French National Assembly of 1789. To give just two modern examples: Maurice<br />

Hauriou, in his "Principes de droit public," applies the notion of equilibrium to every<br />

problem of the state and administration, and the enormous success of Robert Redslob's<br />

definition of parliamentary government (1918) demonstrates how powerful this theory is<br />

even today. 17<br />

Applied to the institution of parliament this general conception takes on a specific meaning.<br />

This has to be emphasized because it dominates even Rousseau's thought, although there it<br />

does not have this particular application to parliament. 18 Here, in parliament, there is a<br />

balance that assumes the moderate rationalism of this concept of the balance of powers.<br />

Under the suggestive influence of a compendium tradition, which Montesquieu's theory of<br />

the division of powers simplified, 19 one has become accustomed to seeing parliament as only<br />

a part of the state's functions, one part that is set against the others (executive and courts).<br />

Nevertheless, parliament should not be just a part of this balance, but precisely because it is<br />

the legislative, parliament should itself be balanced. This depends on a way of thinking that<br />

creates multiplicity everywhere so that an equilibrium created from the imminent dynamics<br />

of a system of negotiations replaces absolute<br />

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