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was an immediate supporter of the February revolution of 1848 and fought for the
separation of church and state in France.
14. [Tr.] Proudhon was "an ideologist of the petite bourgeoisie" for Marx. See Marx's
"Letter to P. V. Annenkov in Paris" (December 28, 1846), in which he criticizes
Proudhon's philosophy as "a phantasmagoria which presumptuously claims to be
dialectical" and Proudhon himself as a man for whom "bourgeois life is an eternal
verity." Marx and Engels, Selected Works, vol. 1 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1977),
519, 524.
15. To this comment in the first edition, I must today add the following: "the two actual
opponents within the sphere of Western culture." Proudhon remained completely within
an inherited moral tradition; the family based strictly on pater potestas and monogamy
formed his ideal; that contradicted consequential anarchism. Cf. my Politische Theologie
(1922), 5. The real enemy of all traditional concepts of West European culture appeared
first with the Russians, particularly Bakunin. Proudhon and Sorel are both Wyndham
Lewis is right—still "Romans," not anarchists like the Russians (The Art of Being Ruled,
360). J. J. Rousseau, whom Wyndham Lewis also identifies as a true anarchist, does not
seem to me to be a clear case because as a romantic his relation to the family and the
state is only an example of romantic occasionalism. [Attacking Rousseau as a romantic
was an especially popular theme of the Action Francaise in the years before 1914; see
Kennedy, "Bergson's Philosophy and French Political Doctrines," 80–84. tr.]
16. Sorel, Réflexions, 319.
17. [Tr.] The German war of liberation fought against the French occupying forces
initiated "a genuine popular awakening," and the reforms of the Prussian minister Karl
yom Stein "started from the fundamental idea of raising a moral, religious and patriotic
spirit in the nation." See E. J. Passant, Germany, 1815–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1971), 6–7; also James J. Sheehan, German Liberalism in the
Nineteenth Century (London: Methuen, 1982), 7ff.
18. Sorel, Réflexions, 372, 376.
19. [Tr.] Sorel replied to Eduard Bernstein in the Réflexions, 251: "la dictatur du
proletariat . . . signaler un souvenir de l'Ancien Regime." Cf. Peter Gay, The Dilemma of
Democratic Socialism: Eduard Bernstein's Challenge to Marx (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1952).
20. Sorel, Matériaux d'une théorie du prolétariat (Paris: Marcel Riviére, 1919), 55. [See
also notes 2 and 19, above. —tr.]
21. Sorel, Réflexions, 268.
22. One cannot object to the fact that Sorel relies on Bergson. His antipolitical (i.e., antiintellectual)
theory is based on a philosophy of concrete life, and such a philosophy has,
like Hegelianism, a variety of practical applications. In France Bergson's philosophy has
served the interests of a return to conservative tradition and Catholicism and, at the same
time, radical, atheistic anarchism. That is by no means a sign of its falsehood.
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