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-82-<br />

<strong>The</strong> Government's effort to change the enclave character of<br />

Firestone's position in the national economy resulted in a vague<br />

obligation of the company to use Liberian products and services.<br />

Definite improvements, however, were the'Government's rights to<br />

terminate the agreement (virtually absent in the 1926 Planting<br />

Agreement) though there is still room here for further improvements,<br />

such as the provision for a periodic review, and the<br />

creation of a Technical Committee (89). <strong>The</strong> latter, if properly<br />

used by both parties, may become of great importance during the<br />

term of the Agreement, as it provides an opportunity of regular<br />

communication between the Government and the company. Each party<br />

appoints an equal number of persons on this committee, three being<br />

the minimum. However, being only authorized to meet and to<br />

recommend, the real power of the Technical Committee is limited.<br />

This contractual limitation will act as_a constraint on the<br />

further development and importance of this committee. Another<br />

constraint on its optimum functioning might be the recommendations<br />

to Firestone-Liberia, a company in which the Liberian Government<br />

is not represented. (<strong>The</strong> Model Iron Ore Agreement stood model for<br />

several of the new items of the 1976 Firestone Concession<br />

Agreement, notably this creation of a Technical Committee, but<br />

contrary to the LAMCO Joint Venture's and Bong_.Mining Company's<br />

Boards of Directors, on which the Government is represented<br />

(see Chapter 8), the latter is absent from the Board of Directors<br />

of the Firestone Plantations Company). In December 1978<br />

the Technical Committee was not yet functioning.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Agreement, which with respect to its financial aspects became<br />

retro-actively effective on November 1, 1975 has, grossly speaking,<br />

twomajor weaknesses which are the result of Firestone's refusal to<br />

accept the Government's demands, and two other deficiencies which<br />

can be explained from the interest which Liberia's ruling class,<br />

in general, has in rubber plantations.<br />

<strong>The</strong> lack of an obligation to produce semi-manufactured and/or<br />

final goods (whose main component is rubber) and the absence of a<br />

debt/equity ratio continue Firestone's "enclave economy" and the<br />

"primary commodity characteristic" of Liberia's rubber exports,<br />

and create a loophole which eventually may be used by Firestone.<br />

A pricing system which is too vague and leaves too much room for<br />

arbitrarily calculated and derived deductions is the price the<br />

Liberian Government has to pay for its failure to compel Firestone<br />

to buy rubber from Liberian growers (originally included in the<br />

renegotiations). <strong>The</strong> interest which Liberian politicians have in<br />

the rubber sector of the economy and in a continued purchasing of<br />

the rubber by the Firestone Plantations Company (or by any. other<br />

company, since the price continues to be determined by Firestone)<br />

will be discussed in Chapter 13- <strong>The</strong> same business interest is<br />

responsible for the refusal of the Government of Liberia to<br />

insist on provisions which would improve labour conditions on the<br />

plantations. Significantly, however, two noticeable changes had<br />

been recommended as early as 1931. In that year the Brunot<br />

Commission of the League of Nations recommended that<br />

"7hz total area mentioned in the concession contract

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