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Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...

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3<br />

From Orang Kaya Baru to Melayu Baru<br />

Cultural construction of the Malay ‘new rich’<br />

A.B.Shamsul<br />

Does any culture seek <strong>in</strong>feriority? …We studied how non-Western<br />

cultures alter their societies <strong>in</strong> an effort to atta<strong>in</strong> equality or<br />

superiority, but we used criteria <strong>and</strong> a framework that relegated them<br />

to an <strong>in</strong>terpretive position as the perpetual <strong>in</strong>ferior.<br />

(Tanaka 1993:ix)<br />

In the <strong>in</strong>troduction to the first volume <strong>in</strong> the series on the ‘new rich’ <strong>in</strong> <strong>Asia</strong>, editors<br />

Robison <strong>and</strong> Goodman (1996) note that the ‘imprecise’ nature of the new rich, both<br />

<strong>in</strong> analytical <strong>and</strong> empirical terms, concerns the ‘imprecise’ nature of the new rich<br />

as an analytical tool (Robison <strong>and</strong> Goodman 1996:5). Indeed, this conclusion is<br />

evident throughout the volume. Moreover, the major component concepts under the<br />

rubric of the new rich, namely ‘the middle class’ <strong>and</strong> ‘the bourgeoisie’, suffer the<br />

same problem of imprecision. In fact, some of the contributors go as far as to<br />

demonstrate not only the imprecise nature of these concepts but also their<br />

elusiveness. After some twenty pages of <strong>in</strong>terpretation on the ‘growth, economic<br />

transformation, culture <strong>and</strong> the middle classes <strong>in</strong> Malaysia’, one author declares, <strong>in</strong><br />

a Kafkaesque end<strong>in</strong>g, that: ‘I have here avoided the question of what I mean by<br />

“middle classes’” (Kahn 1996: 48—75).<br />

However, Robison <strong>and</strong> Goodman do provide a general statement, regard<strong>in</strong>g<br />

those they consider the new rich <strong>in</strong> <strong>Asia</strong> as: ‘the new wealthy social groups that<br />

have emerged from <strong>in</strong>dustrial change <strong>in</strong> <strong>Asia</strong>, particularly dur<strong>in</strong>g the past two<br />

decades’ (1996:5). They also emphasise from the outset that the ma<strong>in</strong> task of the<br />

research is to provide an analysis of the new rich <strong>in</strong> contemporary <strong>Asia</strong>, def<strong>in</strong>ed<br />

with<strong>in</strong> the criteria <strong>and</strong> framework of academic <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>and</strong> the ‘political<br />

economy’ approach (Robison <strong>and</strong> Goodman 1996:xi—xii, 5—10). This could also be<br />

understood to mean that the research, conducted by middle-class academics, is<br />

<strong>in</strong>terested only <strong>in</strong> the social group called the ‘new rich’: who they are, what they do,<br />

how they live, how they th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>and</strong> what their future is <strong>in</strong> <strong>Asia</strong>. How the rest of the<br />

society, especially those from the lower class <strong>and</strong> the peasantry, th<strong>in</strong>k about or<br />

perceive the new rich would appear to be of no real consequence to this study.<br />

Inevitably, this has resulted <strong>in</strong> the un<strong>in</strong>tended exclusion of two significant factors<br />

pert<strong>in</strong>ent to the ‘cultural construction’ of the new rich <strong>in</strong> <strong>Asia</strong>: first, the chang<strong>in</strong>g

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