Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...

262 SALIM LAKHA
complaints about less deferential attitudes of their domestic helpers, they are too
reliant on them to impose their own preference for the use of these gadgets.
Displacement of local culture through foreign influence is not entirely confirmed,
even though such concerns are often expressed by critics of liberalisation and
globalisation. Undeniably, the spread of Western-style consumer goods, discos,
pubs and Western television programmes is an ongoing feature of liberalisation.
These influences, however, have not completely appropriated the local cultural
domain, and in some cases there is adaptation to local tastes and even resistance.
Western television programmes offered by Murdoch’s Star TV, for example, did
not manage to sustain their initial popularity, and the launch of Indian-language
channels, such as Zee TV, has proved extremely popular (Karp 1994:56—7).
Though Zee TV and EL TV are joint ventures with Murdoch’s Star TV, the
former have adapted their programmes to local themes with modern content, and
made them more relevant to the cultural context of middle-class Indians. When
Murdoch was questioned in India about charges of cultural invasion levelled against
his Star TV, he claimed that Star would localise its content by offering Hindi and
other Indian-language programmes (Chengappa 1994:50). It appears globalisation
is, to some extent, bound by the demands of local culture. As in the case of
television programmes, certain foreign-brand consumer goods have failed to make
the expected inroads into the local market because they misjudged either Indian
tastes or price competitiveness of local products (Bromby 1995:9).
In some instances, however, the power of local television productions is
sufficiently overwhelming to capture the imagination of both local and global
audiences. Thus, the series based on the Hindu epics Ramayana and Mahabharata
were avidly followed by the local audiences and, on video, by diasporic Indians in
various parts of the world. Interestingly, they were appreciated by Hindu viewers
as well as Muslim audiences, and to my knowledge by some Muslims in the West
as well as in Pakistan. The different meanings attached to these epics by Hindu
and Muslim viewers need to be further explored considering claims by some that
the showing of the Ramayana may have contributed to a heightened sense of
Hindu identity amongst the Hindus, especially in connection with the dispute over
Ayodhya (Farmer 1996:102—3; van der Veer 1994:178). According to van der Veer
(1994:8—9), the televised series contributed in a major way to popularise ‘a standard
version of the epic’ to middle-class audiences. As with the Hindu epics, the
consumption of Indian films and videos of popular music and dance is not only
locally based but is also common among diasporic Indians of all classes
throughout the world. To that extent, it is a global phenomenon. Indeed, Indian films
and popular songs have attracted even some non-Indian fans in parts of the world
where diasporic Indians have settled.
Local cultural influences are particularly strong where food habits are concerned.
Thus McDonald’s, in deference to the cultural sensibilities of the majority Hindu
population, does not offer beef hamburgers but instead uses mutton as a substitute.
More importantly, to suit local vegetarian tastes, it offers a vegetable burger. The
continuing popularity of Indian food amongst both local and diasporic middle-class