Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...

5
Singapore
Where the new middle class sets the standard
Chua Beng Huat and Tan Joo Ean
In a brief thirty years, Singapore has been transformed from a society that was
relatively, homogeneously poor–unemployed or underemployed, undernourished
and inadequately housed–to one where social stratification by income is increasingly
apparent even to untrained eyes. This successful economic transformation is by
now a well-told tale, heavy with its interpretations and controversies (see Rodan
1989; Drysdale 1985; Tremewan 1994; Chua 1995). Success itself has become a
metaphor for Singapore.
Domestically, this successful political economy is characterised by the use of
monopolistic statutory boards to provide a high level of basic collectiveconsumption
goods and services for the entire population. These provisions have
the apparent effect of homogenising the lifestyle of the nation: an overwhelming 85
per cent of the people live in subsidised public-housing flats within estates that have
the same level of provisions of ancillary facilities for daily needs, for example,
shopping facilities are everywhere; an overwhelming majority of children go to
neighbourhood schools, where education is effectively free up to secondary level;
and these public-housing residents are well served by the mass rapid transit
(MRT) system, with the government undertaking the total development cost. 1
The even spread of these provisions has engendered a certain homogeneity in
the Singaporean culture of everyday life among public housing residents. For
example, the MRT system, with terminals in every public-housing new town, is
now being used to implement the decentralisation of employment and shopping
facilities into four ‘regional’ centres, thus increasing employment and consumption
opportunities for the residents, yet reducing the need to travel. Another example is
the place of markets and hawker centres in the configuration of residents’ routines.
The fresh-produce markets operate only in the morning, compelling all housewives
to schedule into their mornings a trip to the market. On these trips, they may
develop some measure of familiarity with each other, breaking down one layer of
impersonality associated with the monotonous high-rise housing estate and its
large, heterogeneous residential population. In addition to acting as a hang-out for
the retired, the hawker centres also provide ready access to local fast foods,
making eating out an increasingly routine activity, especially for dual-income
families (see Table 5.1). The culturally homogenising effects of these provisions
combined to gloss over differences within the ‘overwhelming majority’.