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Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...

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286 MICHAEL PINCHES<br />

the Filip<strong>in</strong>o-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese among non-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Filip<strong>in</strong>os. It is also a common image the<br />

Filip<strong>in</strong>o-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese hold of themselves (See 1988; Chua 1988a; See 1990:86—93), as<br />

dist<strong>in</strong>ct from Filip<strong>in</strong>os whom some see as stereotypically lazy, poor, dependent <strong>and</strong><br />

wasteful (Chua <strong>and</strong> Herr<strong>in</strong> 1988:91; Chua 1988b: 108; Pacho 1986:88).<br />

Today the values of diligence <strong>and</strong> thrift, <strong>and</strong> their association with the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese,<br />

are celebrated <strong>and</strong> deferred to <strong>in</strong> ways that appear quite unprecedented. A number<br />

of non-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese bus<strong>in</strong>esspeople, academics, journalists <strong>and</strong> officials I talked with<br />

spoke of the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese entrepreneur as offer<strong>in</strong>g a role model that Filip<strong>in</strong>os should<br />

follow <strong>in</strong> order to br<strong>in</strong>g about national prosperity. 23 Some explicitly <strong>in</strong>voked the<br />

culture of Confucianism <strong>and</strong> l<strong>in</strong>ked this to the success of Ch<strong>in</strong>ese capitalists<br />

elsewhere <strong>in</strong> the region (see also dela Cruz 1994). Accord<strong>in</strong>g to one ris<strong>in</strong>g<br />

entrepreneur:<br />

The Ch<strong>in</strong>ese scrimp <strong>and</strong> save, <strong>and</strong> live frugally until they have a lot of wealth,<br />

whereas we Filip<strong>in</strong>os have a tendency to conspicuous consumption. We<br />

could do better <strong>in</strong> the Philipp<strong>in</strong>es if we saved <strong>and</strong> deferred consumption, that<br />

is if the entrepreneurial class lived like the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese.<br />

Clearly the stereotype of the Filip<strong>in</strong>o-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese as successful new-rich bus<strong>in</strong>esspeople<br />

<strong>in</strong> possession of some <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sic ethnic quality that enables them to<br />

accumulate wealth ignores the many Ch<strong>in</strong>ese who are materially unsuccessful or<br />

who perform a range of other occupations (See 1990:26—30; von Brevern 1988),<br />

<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g a grow<strong>in</strong>g number which might be described as new middle class. Indeed,<br />

it is ironic that at the same time as Ch<strong>in</strong>ese entrepreneurship is be<strong>in</strong>g most reified<br />

<strong>and</strong> celebrated, <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g numbers of young Filip<strong>in</strong>o-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese are leav<strong>in</strong>g family<br />

bus<strong>in</strong>esses to become salaried professionals. The stereotype also ignores the<br />

historical role that racism has played <strong>in</strong> conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g many Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>in</strong> commerce, as<br />

well as foster<strong>in</strong>g among them relations of mutual trust, which are often seen as<br />

central to their economic success (Omohundro 1983). Nevertheless, accord<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

one Filip<strong>in</strong>o-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese author: ‘Many Filip<strong>in</strong>os harbour the false notion that the<br />

success of the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese must be due to someth<strong>in</strong>g mysterious <strong>and</strong>/or mystical <strong>in</strong><br />

their culture, hence, they send their children to Ch<strong>in</strong>ese schools’ (See 1990:5).<br />

Adopt<strong>in</strong>g an apparently more cynical stance, one non-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Filip<strong>in</strong>o bus<strong>in</strong>ess<br />

family is reputed to have taken on a Ch<strong>in</strong>ese name because they say it is better for<br />

bus<strong>in</strong>ess.<br />

The popular representation of the new rich as Ch<strong>in</strong>ese evidences complex<br />

changes that are tak<strong>in</strong>g place <strong>in</strong> Philipp<strong>in</strong>e society <strong>and</strong> the <strong>Asia</strong>n region. Rather<br />

than reflect<strong>in</strong>g immutable cultural dist<strong>in</strong>ctions between Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>and</strong> non-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />

Filip<strong>in</strong>os, the argument that the new rich are Ch<strong>in</strong>ese reflects more the fact that the<br />

ethnic <strong>and</strong> national identities of Filip<strong>in</strong>os are themselves chang<strong>in</strong>g. The Filip<strong>in</strong>o-<br />

Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, <strong>and</strong> the ethnic identity they carry, are becom<strong>in</strong>g enmeshed <strong>in</strong> Philipp<strong>in</strong>e<br />

society <strong>in</strong> more complex ways than <strong>in</strong> the past. For most of Philipp<strong>in</strong>e history, the<br />

Filip<strong>in</strong>o-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese have been seen as hav<strong>in</strong>g lived a more or less enclave existence,<br />

concentrated <strong>in</strong> the parian or Ch<strong>in</strong>atown areas of the major cities, <strong>in</strong> commerce,

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