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Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...

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9<br />

Creat<strong>in</strong>g the Thai middle class<br />

Jim Ockey<br />

The new rich <strong>in</strong> Thail<strong>and</strong> have <strong>in</strong>variably been described as a new middle class.<br />

That this new rich middle class was responsible for the democratic upris<strong>in</strong>g of<br />

1992 goes virtually unquestioned. 1 Yet, there has been surpris<strong>in</strong>gly little debate on<br />

just what constitutes the middle class <strong>in</strong> Thail<strong>and</strong>. Rather, the middle class is left<br />

undef<strong>in</strong>ed, as if somehow everyone knows just what it is <strong>and</strong> all that is left is to<br />

determ<strong>in</strong>e how it functions. In fact, the Thai word for middle class is a direct<br />

translation from English, literally mean<strong>in</strong>g ‘people of the middle level’, which has<br />

only recently spread beyond the academic community, <strong>and</strong> is still unknown to<br />

many Thais. In this chapter, I discuss the new rich <strong>in</strong> reference to variable<br />

constructions of the Thai middle class. I will describe some of the ways the middle<br />

class is be<strong>in</strong>g constructed to <strong>in</strong>clude the new rich. I will also exam<strong>in</strong>e the role of the<br />

middle class <strong>in</strong> politics, particularly s<strong>in</strong>ce the rise of the new rich.<br />

Academic literature on the development of middle classes can, for my purposes,<br />

be divided <strong>in</strong>to structural approaches <strong>and</strong> historical approaches. In structural<br />

approaches, the middle class is described accord<strong>in</strong>g to its position <strong>in</strong> the social<br />

structure, with the appropriate structural criteria a matter of considerable debate.<br />

For Marx, the criterion was the relationship to the means of production. 2 For Mills<br />

(1956), it was necessary to dist<strong>in</strong>guish between the old middle class, made up of<br />

<strong>in</strong>dependent farmers <strong>and</strong> small entrepreneurs, <strong>and</strong> the ‘new’ or white-collar middle<br />

class, made up of salaried professionals. For Weber (1946), the criteria <strong>in</strong>cluded<br />

lifestyle <strong>and</strong> status. For Giddens (1980), there were qualifications. Each of these<br />

writers constructs a different ‘middle class’, <strong>and</strong> while there may be considerable<br />

overlap between them, we might thus expect each of these differently def<strong>in</strong>ed<br />

groups to act somewhat differently. In the Thai case, this is particularly important<br />

as many traditionally high-status occupations do not allow, either morally or<br />

materially, for a lifestyle of high consumption, while many traditionally low-status<br />

occupations do. This results <strong>in</strong> an unusually high level of fragmentation among the<br />

various structurally def<strong>in</strong>ed middle classes.<br />

The historical approach to class formation is best exemplified <strong>in</strong> E.P.<br />

Thompson’s description of the English work<strong>in</strong>g class. Thompson (1968) argued<br />

that classes create themselves. This type of approach has been applied to the middle<br />

class by Frykman <strong>and</strong> Lofgren (1987). Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Frykman <strong>and</strong> Lofgren, the<br />

middle class constructs a dist<strong>in</strong>ct lifestyle <strong>in</strong> order to set itself apart from both the

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