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Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...

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Table 8.4 Distribution of friendship ties by class (%) (N=1168)<br />

CHRISTOPHER BUCKLEY 221<br />

a month–our ‘new rich’–we f<strong>in</strong>d that their friendship networks manifest the same<br />

traits, only more so. That is, most of their friendships (65 per cent) are with<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividuals they described as co-workers (tongshi) or as friends <strong>in</strong> the same<br />

bus<strong>in</strong>ess (tonghang). This compares with half that figure for middle-<strong>and</strong> lower<strong>in</strong>come<br />

respondents. This is not surpris<strong>in</strong>g given that many new rich spend such<br />

long hours at work, <strong>and</strong> the boundary between work <strong>and</strong> socialis<strong>in</strong>g–at<br />

restaurants or clubs, or at home–is extremely blurred.<br />

While <strong>in</strong>terpersonal relations provide many important <strong>in</strong>tangible benefits, such<br />

as emotional support <strong>and</strong> companionship, they may also provide many important<br />

forms of <strong>in</strong>strumental assistance <strong>in</strong> situations such as f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g or chang<strong>in</strong>g jobs,<br />

solv<strong>in</strong>g bureaucratic problems, or gett<strong>in</strong>g a child <strong>in</strong>to the right school. For a variety<br />

of reasons, this <strong>in</strong>strumental dimension of personal social relations seems to be<br />

unusually (though not uniquely) important <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a. First, an emphasis on the<br />

importance of ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> observ<strong>in</strong>g social relations has been an important<br />

part of Ch<strong>in</strong>ese culture. Hence, the role of social connections <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese life is<br />

unusually visible <strong>and</strong> surrounded by many explicit <strong>and</strong> implicit rules of conduct.<br />

Second, the importance of the <strong>in</strong>strumental uses of social connections has been<br />

accentuated by the tremendous social <strong>and</strong> economic changes urban Ch<strong>in</strong>a has<br />

undergone <strong>in</strong> recent decades. Under Mao, the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese economy was placed under<br />

a rigid <strong>and</strong> complex system of central plann<strong>in</strong>g: goods, food, hous<strong>in</strong>g, jobs,<br />

school<strong>in</strong>g, all came under the control of bureaucracy. Consequently, mak<strong>in</strong>g sure<br />

that you got what you wanted often required cultivat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g personal<br />

relations with people who had access to those goods <strong>and</strong> resources.<br />

Paradoxically, although the economic reforms that Deng Xiaop<strong>in</strong>g has over-seen<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce 1978 have done away with much of the central plann<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> bureaucratic<br />

control of the Maoist period, they have <strong>in</strong> many ways enhanced the importance of<br />

<strong>in</strong>terpersonal connections <strong>in</strong> the lives of Ch<strong>in</strong>ese people. The <strong>in</strong>troduction of<br />

market reforms <strong>and</strong> commerce <strong>in</strong>to Ch<strong>in</strong>a has exp<strong>and</strong>ed private opportunities <strong>and</strong><br />

has removed many controls on social <strong>and</strong> economic life. But these market forces<br />

have evolved unsteadily <strong>and</strong> they coexist with many of the <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>and</strong> rules of

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