Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...

INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 255
1987:49). Stern confirms this claim by arguing that the middle classes acted as the
‘planners, adjudicators and regulators, technical experts and managers’ of India’s
industrial growth (1993:210).
Whilst substantial sectors of the economy were owned or controlled by the state,
private capital was not entirely excluded from industry and trade, and importantly,
agricultural land remained under private ownership. Also, the small-scale sector
was regarded as a means of broadening the ‘entrepreneurial base’ and
counteracting the concentration of wealth and resources (Khanna 1987:49). The
considerable growth in small-scale industries has fulfilled the government’s
objective of expanding entrepreneurial activity and at the same time given rise to
the ‘new bourgeoisie’ (Khanna 1987:50—3). 5
The expansion of small-scale enterprises is a significant social phenomenon
which has transformed India’s cultural, social and political landscape. It has created
the new rich or a ‘new bourgeoisie’ whose social origins are diverse compared to
the old bourgeoisie that existed in the pre-independence period when indigenous
capitalists were confined to a relatively narrow social base. 6 For example, many of
the indigenous industrialists then were Parsis, Jains and those from the traditional
Hindu mercantile castes referred to as the banias. The regional origins of these
industrialists were mainly Gujarat and Rajasthan (for example the Marwaris, and
Gujarat (for example, the Parsis who migrated to Bombay).
In the post-independence period those who have risen through the ranks of
small-scale industries belong to more diverse religious and caste groups. Their
regional background is considerably varied, indicating a geographical expansion of
capitalism in the post-colonial period. Those who have entered the ranks of small
businessmen and industrialists (and progressed beyond in some cases) also reflect
great diversity of educational and occupational backgrounds. They range from
those belonging to the traditional artisan castes, to the highly qualified
professionals from varied castes and religious backgrounds, though more likely of
upper caste origins. 7 Politically, their allegiance is also varied depending upon their
caste, religious and regional loyalties. However, there is some evidence to indicate
that at least in urban north India the political proclivities of some amongst them are
inclined towards the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the right-wing, Hindu
nationalist organisation. A similar political tendency is prevalent amongst sections
of the professional middle class in the north as discussed below in section three.
Apart from the development of small-scale businesses and industries, the
creation of an educational infrastructure by the state also broadened the ranks of
the new rich, and created a major avenue for social and economic mobility. The
development of the education system in India has been biased in favour of higher
education leading to the creation of a vast pool of university graduates, whilst
overall literacy has remained relatively low. The Indian system has churned out
large numbers of graduates (Dedrick and Kraemer 1993:470; Rudolph and
Rudolph 1987:298), but the relatively slow rate of growth of the economy has in the
past failed to generate jobs at a rate commensurate with this outflow. Moreover,
the limited range of employment opportunities and comparatively inferior working