Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...
Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...
Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...
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234 CREATING THE THAI MIDDLE CLASS<br />
DISCARDING THE MIDDLE CLASS<br />
For the above period of Thai history, the academic literature recognises a middle<br />
class conceptualised as a comb<strong>in</strong>ation of <strong>in</strong>dependent entrepreneurs <strong>and</strong> whitecollar<br />
bureaucrats. Yet this middle class is disaggregated, <strong>and</strong> then elim<strong>in</strong>ated, <strong>in</strong><br />
academic literature describ<strong>in</strong>g the 1950s <strong>and</strong> 1960s. This was done <strong>in</strong> a two-part<br />
process. In the 1950s, G.William Sk<strong>in</strong>ner (1957a, 1957b) analysed Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
communities <strong>in</strong> Thail<strong>and</strong>. He argued:<br />
There are what appear to be two middle classes, or at least two major<br />
middle-class group<strong>in</strong>gs–the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>and</strong> the Thai. They overlap for the<br />
most part <strong>in</strong> stratification, but the mean status of the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese middle class is<br />
appreciably higher. The latter consists of most ethnic Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>in</strong> occupations<br />
of highest <strong>and</strong> mid-high status, i.e., occupations of relatively high <strong>in</strong>come<br />
which <strong>in</strong>volve no manual labor… The Thai middle class consist<strong>in</strong>g ma<strong>in</strong>ly of<br />
those <strong>in</strong> mid-high status occupations (government employees, small<br />
entrepreneurs, teachers, newspapermen, clerks, secretaries, <strong>and</strong> so on), is<br />
strongly white collar <strong>in</strong> flavor.<br />
(1957a:307—8)<br />
Sk<strong>in</strong>ner here makes the primary division ethnicity, rather than class, <strong>and</strong> then ties<br />
that ethnic division to ‘old’ <strong>and</strong> ‘white-collar’ middle classes. Thus we have an old<br />
middle class of <strong>in</strong>dependent entrepreneurs, the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, <strong>and</strong> a white-collar middle<br />
class, the Thais. That the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese described by Sk<strong>in</strong>ner might more accurately be<br />
called S<strong>in</strong>o-Thai becomes lost <strong>in</strong> the constant reference to ‘the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese’. That there<br />
are entrepreneurs who are Thai, <strong>and</strong> bureaucrats who are S<strong>in</strong>o-Thai, is also<br />
obscured. And the shared middle-class culture described <strong>in</strong> Jiraporn’s analysis of<br />
theatre disappears from the analysis.<br />
While Sk<strong>in</strong>ner had turned ‘the old middle class’ <strong>in</strong>to ‘the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese’, it rema<strong>in</strong>ed for<br />
Fred Riggs (1966) <strong>and</strong> William Siff<strong>in</strong> (1966) to turn the (Thai) white-collar middle<br />
class <strong>in</strong>to the bureaucracy. Wrote Siff<strong>in</strong> (1966:134): ‘the emerg<strong>in</strong>g middle class was<br />
a bureaucratic class’. Riggs <strong>and</strong> Siff<strong>in</strong> thus made the conceptual shift from whitecollar<br />
middle class to ‘the (Thai) bureaucracy’. There rema<strong>in</strong>ed but one m<strong>in</strong>or<br />
problem, that of the large number of S<strong>in</strong>o-Thai <strong>in</strong> the bureaucracy. This longignored<br />
problem was addressed by Chai-anan Samudavanija (1991), who argued<br />
that due to the socialisation process of the bureaucracy ‘a son of a Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />
immigrant will rema<strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese if he chooses to be a bus<strong>in</strong>essman, but once he<br />
enters the bureaucracy his ethnic identity disappears <strong>and</strong> he becomes a<br />
kharatchakan or civil servant’ (1991:65).<br />
The elim<strong>in</strong>ation of the middle class from academic discourse is central to the<br />
analysis of David Wilson (1962), who expla<strong>in</strong>ed the apparent stability of Thai society<br />
by po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g to the absence of a middle class. He argued that: ‘the society of the<br />
Thai is characterized by a gross two-class structure, …<strong>in</strong> which the classes are<br />
physically as well as economically separated <strong>and</strong> differential status is satisfactorily