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Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...

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10<br />

The state, globalisation <strong>and</strong> Indian<br />

middle-class identity<br />

Salim Lakha<br />

The celebration of the Indian middle class <strong>in</strong> recent years symbolises its dom<strong>in</strong>ant<br />

presence <strong>in</strong> the economy. To foreign <strong>in</strong>vestors <strong>and</strong> government officials, the<br />

middle class is a potential market <strong>and</strong> a testimony to the country’s economic<br />

progress. Whereas <strong>in</strong> the 1960s <strong>and</strong> 1970s India’s image was synonymous with<br />

poverty, <strong>in</strong> the 1980s <strong>and</strong> 1990s <strong>in</strong>ternational attention has <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly focused on<br />

the process of economic liberalisation <strong>and</strong> globalisation. The burgeon<strong>in</strong>g middle<br />

class, which ga<strong>in</strong>ed a new lease of life under a liberalised economic environment<br />

(post-1985), has emerged as a sell<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t for the country <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternational forums.<br />

Subsequent to India’s further economic liberalisation <strong>in</strong> July 1991, a report <strong>in</strong><br />

Fortune magaz<strong>in</strong>e announced that the country’s attempt to enter the global<br />

economy offered ample ‘opportunities’, especially ‘the chance to sell to India’s huge<br />

middle class’ whose expansion, it claimed, was more rapid than that of other<br />

sections of the population (Jacob 1992:20). Similarly, at a bus<strong>in</strong>ess forum <strong>in</strong><br />

Melbourne, India’s M<strong>in</strong>ister of State for External Affairs strongly promoted India<br />

as an alternative to Ch<strong>in</strong>a by highlight<strong>in</strong>g his country’s strengths, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g an<br />

estimated middle class of over 250 million people (Caruana 1995:61).<br />

View<strong>in</strong>g the middle class <strong>in</strong> terms of consumption or a consumer goods market<br />

is a common feature of many reports on economic liberalisation <strong>in</strong> India. The<br />

affluence of the middle class <strong>in</strong> India <strong>in</strong> recent years is closely associated with the<br />

process of economic deregulation at the domestic level <strong>and</strong> the open<strong>in</strong>g up of the<br />

economy to global forces, both of which are <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sic features of the liberalisation<br />

process. One report stated that the middle classes ‘claim the economic reforms as<br />

their own’, <strong>and</strong> that they have ga<strong>in</strong>ed ‘<strong>in</strong> terms of a greater variety of produce <strong>and</strong><br />

greater purchas<strong>in</strong>g power’ (Uren 1995:78). Another report confirmed such an<br />

assessment by quot<strong>in</strong>g a middle-class employee of Indian Airl<strong>in</strong>es who stated: ‘I<br />

support liberalization. Globalization has led to an improvement <strong>in</strong> the quality of<br />

goods <strong>and</strong> a wider buyers’ choice’ (Chakravarti 1995:91). By most accounts the<br />

middle class is express<strong>in</strong>g an <strong>in</strong>satiable propensity to consume as a consequence of<br />

ris<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>comes <strong>and</strong> a greater variety of goods offered through an <strong>in</strong>creased<br />

exposure to global forces.<br />

Whilst many reports highlight the rapidly grow<strong>in</strong>g size of the middle class <strong>and</strong><br />

its predilection for consumerism, there is <strong>in</strong>sufficient recognition of<br />

its transnational character <strong>and</strong> identity. The underly<strong>in</strong>g assumption <strong>in</strong> this chapter

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