Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia - Jurusan Antropologi ...

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SINGAPORE AND THE NEW MIDDLE CLASS 143 For its entire thirty-three years as an independent nation, Singapore has been governed by the PAP. Consequently, the country’s political culture is largely shaped by the ideology and practices of the PAP. From the start, the PAP government had reined in the civil service to form a new alliance. The bureaucratic and technocratic nature of the civil service was well suited to the task of making good the political promise of economic growth through ‘rational administration’ and ‘pragmatism’ (Chan 1975; Khong 1995). As economic plans succeeded in leaps and bounds, it became increasingly difficult to challenge the PAP government on ideological grounds; partly because it is difficult to argue against success, and partly because ‘pragmatism’ as an ideology precluded a consistent ideological component that could be defined and challenged (Chua 1995: 70). The political culture that developed is one that is defined by the government; it is conservative and is organised consensually through networks of political agents who share relatively uniform perceptions on the shape of the nation. This uninterrupted hegemonic reign of the PAP has as one of its consequences the engendering of political apathy across all social classes, each having different reasons for it acquiescence. In a 1992 survey by Mak and Leong (1994) on political attitudes and political behaviour of Singaporeans, it was found that differences between middle and working classes are marginal, with the middle class being slightly more ‘liberal’ in attitude. For example, on the statement that there was a lack of readiness for democracy in Singapore society, the same proportions of both classes agreed with the statement; but, among those who disagreed, a greater proportion came from the middle class. Middle-class respondents were also less likely to believe that a challenge to the government is a threat to social order (see Table 5.3). The overwhelming majority of respondents were shown to be politically inactive and there was little difference between the two classes’ propensity to mobilise support and/or campaign for political candidates (see Table 5.4). In spite of this inactivity, respondents from both classes felt rather strongly that government should be concerned with public opinions and that it matters that politics be democratic, even if the government is doing a good job economically, that is they do not uncritically prefer development over democratisation (see Table 5.3). The absence of significant differences between the middle and working classes renders political attitudes and behaviour ineffective as elements in the delineation of cultural boundaries between different classes. This is not the case with consumption. BETWEEN GENERATIONS, ACROSS CLASSES: CONSUMING YOUTH Rapid expansion of education and economic opportunities, along with the changing occupational structure over the past three decades (1965—95), have resulted in very high rates of inter-generational upward social mobility among Singaporeans, which is itself one of the planks of legitimacy of the government. Within the same family,
144 CHUA BENG HUAT AND TAN JOO EAN Table 5.3 Political attitudes of the middle and working classes Source: Mak and Leong (1994:107—8, 261—2). children tend to exceed their middle-age parents in education and income; it is common to find in one household university-educated children with professional occupations and parents with no formal education who are employed in informal sector jobs. One estimate suggests that slightly more than 70 per cent of male individuals have greater educational Table 5.4 Political behaviour of the middle and working classes Source: Mak and Leong (1994:111−12).
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Culture and Privilege in Capitalist
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Culture and Privilege in Capitalist
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Contents Tables vii Notes on contri
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Tables 5.1 Average proportion of ex
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James Ockey is a Senior Lecturer in
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developed through a series of statu
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legitimate wealth. Anti-Chinese sen
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and indigenous Filipino values. The
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1 Cultural relations, class and the
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CULTURAL RELATIONS AND THE NEW RICH
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2 Consumption, social differentiati
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KEN YOUNG 59 doubt on their commitm
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sharp contrast to the culture of th
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KEN YOUNG 63 Singapore, which might
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KEN YOUNG 65 Government responses,
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KEN YOUNG 67 of the Malay and India
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KEN YOUNG 69 survey in The Nation 1
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KEN YOUNG 71 happening in these pla
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KEN YOUNG 73 in the context of soci
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KEN YOUNG 75 neighbourhood and work
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KEN YOUNG 77 upmarket development o
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environment of greater wealth and u
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upmarket boutiques in Singapore are
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KEN YOUNG 83 --(1996b) ‘All the R
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KEN YOUNG 85 Mahathir bin Mohamad (
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3 From Orang Kaya Baru to Melayu Ba
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A.B.SHAMSUL 89 THE MALAY NEW RIGH:
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A.B.SHAMSUL 91 It could be said tha
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Page 112 and 113: A.B.SHAMSUL 95 people as Abdullah M
Page 114 and 115: A.B.SHAMSUL 97 marginalised by colo
Page 116 and 117: A.B.SHAMSUL 99 leap’, to become r
Page 118 and 119: A.B.SHAMSUL 101 capitalistic/econom
Page 120 and 121: A.B.SHAMSUL 103 Most of them have b
Page 122 and 123: A.B.SHAMSUL 105 When the Malay nati
Page 124 and 125: Education Act in 1996, allowing for
Page 126 and 127: A.B.SHAMSUL 109 Kua Kia Soong (1981
Page 128 and 129: A.B.SHAMSUL 111 Stivens, Maila (199
Page 130 and 131: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 113 Mal
Page 132 and 133: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 115 aff
Page 134 and 135: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 117 to
Page 136 and 137: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 119 cou
Page 138 and 139: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 121 emp
Page 140 and 141: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 123 to
Page 142 and 143: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 125 Rid
Page 144 and 145: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 127 sid
Page 146 and 147: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 129 man
Page 148 and 149: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 131 fin
Page 150 and 151: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 133 clu
Page 152 and 153: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 135 cir
Page 154 and 155: A JAPANESE FIRM IN MALAYSIA 137 Kes
Page 156 and 157: SINGAPORE AND THE NEW MIDDLE CLASS
Page 164 and 165: Table 5.5 Distribution of resident
Page 178 and 179: IDENTITY POLITICS OF INDONESIA’S
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Page 208 and 209: HANS ANTLÖV 191 growing population
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HANS ANTLÖV 193 state-based offici
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HANS ANTLÖV 195 wonder how he can
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HANS ANTLÖV 197 Chinese-run fashio
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HANS ANTLÖV 199 order for Indonesi
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HANS ANTLÖV 201 regulating’ (Sul
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HANS ANTLÖV 203 cosmopolitan Bandu
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HANS ANTLÖV 205 community in which
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modernity without at the same time
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8 How a revolution becomes a dinner
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CHRISTOPHER BUCKLEY 211 activity. A
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Table 8.1 Occupational class classi
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CHRISTOPHER BUCKLEY 215 Table 8.2 A
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Table 8.3 Inflow and outflow table
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CHRISTOPHER BUCKLEY 219 entrepreneu
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Table 8.4 Distribution of friendshi
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CHRISTOPHER BUCKLEY 223 individuals
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CHRISTOPHER BUCKLEY 225 REPUTATION,
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CHRISTOPHER BUCKLEY 227 I’m happy
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the ‘new rich’ in Beijing is an
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9 Creating the Thai middle class Ji
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JIM OCKEY 233 made up, then, largel
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JIM OCKEY 235 justified…[This str
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Table 9.2 Occupations ranked by sta
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JIM OCKEY 239 Other scholarship, wh
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JIM OCKEY 241 Political Science at
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growth (Bangkok Post, 3 January 199
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JIM OCKEY 245 tentatively question
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democracy by associating it with a
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cent of the demonstrators made less
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JIM OCKEY 251 Teeranat Karnjana-uks
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 253 is
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 255 19
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 257 By
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 259 Th
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 261 no
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 263 In
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 265 Th
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 267 re
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 269 th
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 271 te
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16 Refer to Greenough for an intere
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INDIAN MIDDLE-CLASS IDENTITY 275 Hi
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11 Entrepreneurship, consumption, e
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THE MAKING OF THE PHILIPINES’ NEW
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Chai-anan Samudavanija 233 Chakrava
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Harry, F. 170 Hart, G. 195 Hartono,
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McDonald’s 169, 262 Mackie, J.A.C
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Rudner, M. 90 Rudolph, L.I. and Rud
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wages: seniority principle in 116,
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