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people have fled, many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir empty homes looted and ransacked by<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir would-be liberators, fearful <strong>of</strong> returning to rebel reprisals. Aleppo’s<br />

Islamist leaning al-Tawhid Division, ostensibly part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> FSA, contains<br />

numerous-armed factions, including many Salafi Islamists, who,<br />

<strong>the</strong>mselves, are varied, ranging from Bro<strong>the</strong>rhood types to al-Qaida-like<br />

extremists. There is also quite noticeable and significant Salafi literalist<br />

influence among <strong>the</strong> armed rebels generally. The disparate factions that<br />

make up <strong>the</strong> FSA are largely Islamist-dominated. Its battalions contain<br />

thousands <strong>of</strong> fighters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Salafi/Jihadi group, Jabhat al-Nusra, a<br />

mainstay <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> al-Tawhid in Aleppo.<br />

In a situation <strong>of</strong> decentralized and disparate commands, such people<br />

are <strong>the</strong>re at <strong>the</strong> front lines. All <strong>the</strong>se groups, including <strong>the</strong> FSA, have an<br />

uneasy, distrustful relationship with <strong>the</strong> newly minted National Coalition<br />

<strong>of</strong> Syrian Revolution and Opposition Forces, as <strong>the</strong>y previously did with<br />

<strong>the</strong> now discarded Syrian National Council, and as <strong>the</strong>y have with <strong>the</strong><br />

western powers. Fortunately, Syria does not have a tradition <strong>of</strong> extremist<br />

political Islam. On <strong>the</strong> contrary, given its pluralist diversity, its<br />

geostrategic location, and secular nationalist history, Jihadi-type<br />

extremism does not fit in Syria.<br />

The chaos and physical destruction, <strong>the</strong> ever-present danger <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

regime-Sunni war transmuting into a sectarian civil war are deeply<br />

worrying, and <strong>the</strong> Salafists thrive on such an environment. No question,<br />

though, in its militarist, violent manifestations, this is essentially a<br />

rebellion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sunni Muslims, at core from <strong>the</strong> regions <strong>of</strong> Hama and<br />

Homs, and battle-tested foreigners, including Salafis, supported by <strong>the</strong><br />

Sunni autocracies and wealthy donors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> peninsula. It is unlikely that a<br />

literalist Salafist regime will come to power, much less global Jihadis, but<br />

likely that a Sunni-Bro<strong>the</strong>rhood dominated regime, sidelining <strong>the</strong> National<br />

Coalition, will.<br />

The defunct National Council’s main obsession was arming without a<br />

clear political programme. The new National Coalition has got itself<br />

political recognition as a sort <strong>of</strong> provisional government—even as Syria<br />

remains a member state <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> UN led by <strong>the</strong> al-Assad government—from<br />

Qatar, Saudi Arabia, France, Britain, and Turkey, followed by <strong>the</strong> US,

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