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By<br />

Richard Feinberg<br />

The Cuban revolution defined itself in large measure in terms <strong>of</strong><br />

what it was not: not a dependency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United States; not a<br />

dominion governed by global corporations; not a liberal, marketdriven<br />

economy. As <strong>the</strong> guerrilla army made its triumphal entry into<br />

Havana and <strong>the</strong> infant revolution shifted leftward, a hallmark <strong>of</strong> its<br />

anti-imperialist ethos became <strong>the</strong> loudly proclaimed nationalizations<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> U.S.-based firms that had controlled many key sectors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Cuban economy, including hotels and gambling casinos, public<br />

utilities, oil refineries, and <strong>the</strong> rich sugar mills. In <strong>the</strong> strategic conflict<br />

with <strong>the</strong> United States, <strong>the</strong> “historic enemy,” <strong>the</strong> revolution<br />

consolidated its power through <strong>the</strong> excision <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> U.S. economic<br />

presence.<br />

For revolutionary Cuba, foreign investment has been about more than<br />

dollars and cents. It’s about cultural identity and national sovereignty. It’s<br />

also about a model <strong>of</strong> socialist planning, a hybrid <strong>of</strong> Marxist-Leninism and<br />

Fidelismo, which has jealously guarded its domination over all aspects <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> economy. During its five decades <strong>of</strong> rule, <strong>the</strong> regime’s political and<br />

social goals always dominated economic policy; security <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> revolution<br />

trumped productivity.<br />

Fidel Castro’s brand <strong>of</strong> anti-capitalism included a strong dose <strong>of</strong> antiglobalization.<br />

For many years, El Comandante en Jefe hosted a large<br />

international conference on globalization where he would lecture<br />

thousands <strong>of</strong> delegates with his denunciations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> many evils <strong>of</strong><br />

multinational firms that spread brutal exploitation and dehumanizing<br />

inequality around <strong>the</strong> world.<br />

Not surprisingly, Cuba has received remarkably small inflows <strong>of</strong><br />

foreign investment, even taking into account <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong> its economy. In<br />

<strong>the</strong> 21st century, <strong>the</strong> globe is awash in transborder investments by<br />

corporations, large and small. Many developing countries, o<strong>the</strong>r than those<br />

damaged by severe civil conflicts, receive shares that significantly bolster<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir growth prospects. The expansion <strong>of</strong> foreign direct investment (FDI)<br />

into developing countries is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> great stories <strong>of</strong> recent decades,

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