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Schoeck_2010_EnvyATheoryOfSocialBehaviour.pdf

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ENVY IN FRANCE 229<br />

of Raiga's observations cast light on political life in Paris, making<br />

comprehensible much of what occurred in France after 1945. By nature<br />

the Frenchman is a passionate leveller, an anarchist. Raiga mentions the<br />

institution of ostracism in Athens and is faintly disapproving of Montesquieu,<br />

for viewing it as a very minor evil. The fear of the truly great,<br />

prevalent among French lower-middle-class people and the newly rich,<br />

has, it seems, given rise to the belief that the principles are all that count<br />

while individuals count for nothing. Raiga is very critical of electioneering<br />

in the twentieth century, but assumes that there are, from time<br />

to time, candidates with a sincere concern for the public weal. The<br />

hierarchy of the various ministries to be shared out by the prime minister<br />

among his followers was responsible for irreconcilable envy, particularly<br />

among politicians' wives.<br />

Raiga is concerned about the systematic fomentation of envy and<br />

greed in the masses, but he also has hard things to say about the naive<br />

stupidity of those who ostentatiously dissipate their inherited wealth<br />

with a complete disregard for the envy of the lower classes. He recognizes<br />

envy as a phenomenon of social proximity; a grocer will hardly<br />

ever compare himself with a millionaire. But Raiga's age-the age of<br />

socialist egalitarianism-is one in which ever wider circles harbour at<br />

least the illusion that everyone is comparable with everyone else.<br />

Raiga then returns to the distinction already made between simple,<br />

vulgar envy and envy-indignation or legitimate envy. He admits the<br />

possibility that oppressed, underprivileged classes, when a genuine<br />

injustice is involved, may be provoked to action by envy. But, he asks,<br />

who can and may decide when envy is legitimate? And what politician,<br />

when he incites the masses to envy, asks himself whether his object is<br />

power and its concomitant privileges, or whether his aim is to eliminate<br />

the injustice suffered by others?<br />

Raiga has a low opinion of the utopian promises and ideas of socialists<br />

who use envy as a tool with which to build a society of people liberated<br />

from envy. He is scathing about the methods of a socialism vested in<br />

envy, and employing the hatred and vindictiveness of the envious to<br />

destroy a social system while having nothing to put in its place. Yet it is<br />

precisely the constancy of envy, a factor that can always be relied on, that<br />

explains the great success of socialist movements. 75 A social revolution,<br />

75 Op. cit., pp. 233 ff.

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