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Schoeck_2010_EnvyATheoryOfSocialBehaviour.pdf

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364 IS OWNERSHIP THEFT?<br />

itself out to be a 'progressive mental attitude' is no more than regression<br />

to a kind of childhood stage of human economic thinking. Alexander<br />

Riistow once made this implication clear though probably not realizing<br />

how much it coincides with the custom among primitives:<br />

Equality may be demanded at the beginning (initial equality) in the name<br />

of justice, at the end only in the name of envy. To each his own, is the claim<br />

of justice; the same for each, that of envy. A specially unequivocal and<br />

crude form of envy is that directed against some innate or fortuitous<br />

advantage in respect of which there can be no question of a just claim<br />

(unless this were made upon nature or the Creator), as, for example, when a<br />

girl throws vitriol or acid into her more attractive rival's face. But there are<br />

other cases, less crude and not so generally censured, where envy is also<br />

indubitably involved. When, for instance, respected political economists<br />

unashamedly put forward, publicly and unequivocally, the thesis that a<br />

lower but equitably distributed national income would be better than a<br />

higher national income with a few very rich men: that all should be equally<br />

poor rather than all rich and a few even richer. And this, evidently, even<br />

when in the second case the absolute income of the relatively less well off<br />

would be higher than it would in the first. Yet it is improbable that the<br />

learned gentlemen in question are themselves motivated by envy; it is the<br />

envy of the lower class which they regard as a sociological datum and<br />

believe they have to take into account. Were such social-psychological<br />

defeatism to prevail, it would mean nothing less than a catastrophe. This<br />

fact alone is enough to demonstrate that a psychology and phenomenology<br />

of envy is an undertaking as important and immediate as it is difficult. 2<br />

2 A. Riistow, Ortsbestimmung der Gegenwart, Vol. 3: Herrschaft oder Freiheit?,<br />

Erlenbach-Zurich, 1957, p. 90. Statements closely reminiscent of the conceptions of<br />

the Dobu Islanders are found, for example, in L. R Post, Ethics of Democracy (3rd ed.,<br />

Indianapolis, 1916, p. 82); also, reports on the British socialist programme (e.g.,<br />

'Malice or Charity?' in The Economist, December 18,1954, pp. 973 f.); op. cit., July<br />

1954, pp. 9 f. In 1956 British socialists, among them A. Lewis, published 1Wentieth­<br />

Century Socialism, a book which was critically reviewed by C. Curran in The Spectator,<br />

July 6, 1956, pp. 7-8: 'The innocence of all this turns into something uglier when<br />

you come to consider the electoral aspects of classless egalitarianism. For, in a Britain<br />

without poverty, who wants equality? Let us suppose-it is not a very large supposition-that<br />

our national standard of life raises to the point where the luxuries of<br />

1956 are available to everybody. Would it be a hardship, or an injustice, if, while<br />

everybody had plenty, some people had more than plenty? If £3 ,000 a year, say, were

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