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Freedom, Society, and State - Ludwig von Mises Institute

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pol icy. But this, of course, is not' history at all; it<br />

is merely dogma.<br />

What 0 f the nob j e c t i ve n e v idenee? Ha ve Am e rican<br />

i n t e r v e n t ion s c 0 inc ided wit h Ame rica n bus i ne ssint e r ­<br />

ests? Once again, the evidence provides little support<br />

of the theory. In fact, argues Slater, "There is no<br />

case in which it can persuasively be argued that Washi<br />

n g ton res 0 r t edt 0 serious covert political action or<br />

the us.e 0 far me d .for ceon beha I f 0 f pr ivateeconom i c<br />

interests as such."(45) Korea <strong>and</strong> Vietnam, America's<br />

two majorpost-1945 wars, cannot be explained by economi<br />

c factors. Both were immensely costly in both human<br />

<strong>and</strong> material terms. Yet neither nation possessed<br />

e i the r i ndis pens a b 1eraw rna t e riaIsor the 1ureof grea t<br />

markets. The same is true of such interventions as<br />

Laos, Cambodia, the Dominican Republic <strong>and</strong> Guatemala.<br />

New Left historians like Williams are aware of the diff<br />

i cui t y <strong>and</strong> h a vet r i edt 0 res cue the i r pos i t i on by<br />

claiming that such economically counterproductive interventions<br />

were necessary to preserve the capitalist<br />

system as a whole. But as Slater points out "a theory<br />

t hat iss 0 b r 0 ad t hat i tis c a pableof 'exp I a i n ing ,<br />

bot h A <strong>and</strong> its 0 P P os i te B (i n t e r ven t i on <strong>and</strong> non in t e rv<br />

e n t ion, i n t e r v e n t ion t hat i sec0 nom i c a I I Y prod uc t i ve<br />

<strong>and</strong> i n t e r ve n t ion t hat isec0 n om i c a I 1Y cos t I y). • • i s no<br />

theory at all, but simplydogma."(46)<br />

Moreover, many cases which appear on the surface<br />

to 'be in conformi ty wi th the theory do not hold up<br />

un d e r dee per a n a I y sis • I tis we 11 known t hat in the<br />

ear ly 1950's the CIA played a major role in undermining<br />

the Mossedegh government in Iran <strong>and</strong> restoring the<br />

Shah. A popular explanation of this is that the CIA<br />

intervened because Mossedegh had nationalized foreignown<br />

e d 0 i I hoi din gsin 1 9 5 1 • But s eve r a I t h i n gs rna ke<br />

this scarcely credible. First, Iran continued to receive<br />

substantial American foreign aid throughout 1952,<br />

eve n afterna t ionali z a t ion. And sec 0 nd, the r e we r e<br />

n 0 Arne ric a n - 0 wned 0 i 1 compan i esin I ran a t t his time •<br />

Thus, intervention could not have occurred to protect<br />

Am e ric a n bus i n e s sin t ere s t s • I n fa c t, sinc e Am erica<br />

was an oil exporter at this time, the cut off of<br />

Iranian oil shipments proved to be a boon for American<br />

oil interests. What actually precipi tated the CIA move<br />

was Washington's increasing unease at Iran's leftward<br />

drift, symbolized by the signing of an oil sale agreement<br />

wi th Eastern European countries. Washington felt<br />

i t e sse n t i a 1 t hat a s tab 1e, non c omm un i s t I ran be pre ­<br />

served. 'It should also be pointed out that the restor-<br />

134

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