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Freedom, Society, and State - Ludwig von Mises Institute

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the moral duty, of all other children, <strong>and</strong><br />

all other persons, to assist the injured party<br />

in defending his rights, <strong>and</strong> redressing<br />

his wr ongs. These are fundamental pr inciples<br />

of natural rights which govern the most imp<br />

0 r tan t t ran sac t ion s 0 f rna n wit h rna n • Yet<br />

children learn them earlier than they learn<br />

t hat t h r e e <strong>and</strong> t h r e ear e six, or' five <strong>and</strong><br />

five are ten. Their childish plays, even,<br />

c 0 u 1 d not be car r i e don wit h0 uta cons tan t<br />

regard to them; <strong>and</strong> itis equally impossible<br />

for persons of any age to live together in<br />

peace on any other conditions.(70) .<br />

"If justice be not a natural principle," he continued,<br />

"then there is no such thing as injustice; <strong>and</strong> all the<br />

crimes of which the world has been the scene, have been<br />

no crimes at all; but only simple events, like the<br />

fall ing of the rain ••." But if, on the other h<strong>and</strong>,<br />

justice was a natural principle, then "it is necessarily<br />

an immutable one; <strong>and</strong> can no more be changed -- by<br />

any power i n fer i 0 r tothat wh i c h esta b lished i t - - t han<br />

can the law of gravitation, the laws of light, the<br />

principles of mathematics, or any other natural law or<br />

principle whatever."(7l)<br />

Co n seq uen t 1y, all huma n 1e g i s 1a t i on , so I on g as i t<br />

was in violation of natural law, was morally null <strong>and</strong><br />

void <strong>and</strong> was legally nothing more than "an absurdity, a<br />

unsurpation, <strong>and</strong> a crime." If every man had a natural<br />

right to the fruit of his labor then, Spooner believed,<br />

he had a natural right to the fruit of his labor; <strong>and</strong><br />

i twa s jus t a s mu c h rob b e r y for any rna n, 0 r g r 0 up 0 f<br />

men, even if they call themselves "government" <strong>and</strong><br />

the irac t i v i tie s "t a x a t ion ," tota k e a I lor pa r t 0 f<br />

another's property, without the latter's consent, as if<br />

i t weret a ken by a common highwayman. S im i 1a r 1y, if a<br />

man was only under obligation to perform duties to<br />

which he freely consented, then he was under obligation<br />

only to perform duties to which he freely consented;<br />

<strong>and</strong> no man or group of men, even if they called themselves<br />

"government," could impose upon him any additional<br />

obligations. This meant, as he pointed out in<br />

No Treason, Number One, all "governments, if they can<br />

rightfully exist at all, can exist only by consent,"<br />

i • e ., "t h e i n d i v i d uale 0 n sen t 0 f eve r y rna n . . . ( 7 2 )<br />

In No Treason, Number Six, Spooner further argued<br />

that since no group of men, however numerous, was able<br />

to bind .another group of men, however small, then in<br />

like manner, no generation of men could bind a succeedi<br />

n g g e n era t ion . Conseq uen t 1y, the Co n s tit uti 0 nco u 1d<br />

204

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