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Freedom, Society, and State - Ludwig von Mises Institute

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such "selective perception of mutual coercion," Samuels<br />

maintains, "that the anarchist ideal is sensible -- <strong>and</strong><br />

that selectivity begs the critical issues."(19)<br />

Rot h bar d's de fin i t ion 0 f power <strong>and</strong> f r e e d om in<br />

t e r ms 0 f p h Ysic a I v i ole nee com e sin for es p e cia 1 1Y<br />

c a u s tic c r i tic ism • " Con C e n t rat ion up 0 n ph Ysica I v i 0lence<br />

<strong>and</strong> obedience is an undue narrowing of the focus<br />

upon the full range of mutual coercion," he charges.<br />

Rothbard's "nonaggression axiom" is "misleading <strong>and</strong><br />

s e lee t i ve wit h reg a r d to' invas ion s ' • " He" can on I y<br />

pretend to abolish invasions by selectively admitting<br />

them, i.e., (he) abolished only certain invasions <strong>and</strong><br />

coercion." And what invasions would Rothbard's axiom<br />

abol ish? Since his conception of voluntarism <strong>and</strong> freedom<br />

are "specified only in terms of market exchange,"<br />

the y are "i n compIetean d s e I e c t i ve • " T hus"Ro t h bard's<br />

system" says Samuels, "would permit the operation of<br />

mu t u a I c 0 e r c ion i nthe rna r ke t, but he doe s not see i t<br />

as pejoratively <strong>and</strong> analytically coercion. In other<br />

words, he would abolish only the coercion he is willing<br />

to acknowledge."(20) Given his arbitrarily narrow view<br />

of power, Samuels continues, Rothbard cannot see -- or<br />

a tIe a s two n 't ad mit - - t hat the rna r ke t s y stem isits<br />

elf co ere i ve <strong>and</strong> t hat "i t g i v e s e f f e c t to wh ate ve r<br />

structure of private power operates through it." Thus,<br />

the "s tat e I e s s n e s s If 0 faRo t hba r d ian soc i e t y is a me r e<br />

"pretense"; it IS a "play with words" that "only functions<br />

to mislead." Consequently, not only would there<br />

be the functional equivalent of a state but it would be<br />

a state "skewed in favor of a propertied elite."<br />

Rothbard's "anarchism" "is not anarchism but a cleverly<br />

designed <strong>and</strong> worded surrogate for elitist or aristocratic<br />

con s e r vat ism. " I t wo u I d res u I tin a "p1 utoeraey"<br />

in the truest sense of the word, <strong>and</strong> "it cannot claim<br />

attent ion as a work of serious scholarship." In brief,<br />

"there is more to coercion, to voluntarism, <strong>and</strong> to<br />

freedom than Rothbard's system admits," <strong>and</strong> it is only<br />

by his "spur i ous" <strong>and</strong>, Samuel s strongly impl ies conscious<br />

"sleight-of-h<strong>and</strong> of narrowly contemplating ext<br />

ern a lit i e s<strong>and</strong>invas ion s" t hat he i s a blet 0 sol vethe<br />

spector of power in his society.(21)<br />

This is a stinging critiCIsm that, despite its<br />

truculent <strong>and</strong> polemical tone, does raise an important<br />

question: is the Rothbardian -- <strong>and</strong> more generally the<br />

lIbertarian -- resolution of the power problem simply a<br />

product of the (conscious?) abuse of the language; of a<br />

semantic sleight-of-h<strong>and</strong>?<br />

231

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