Freedom, Society, and State - Ludwig von Mises Institute
Freedom, Society, and State - Ludwig von Mises Institute
Freedom, Society, and State - Ludwig von Mises Institute
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3. JOSHUA K. INGALLS AND THE OWNERSHIP OF LAND<br />
The later anarchist position regarding the nature<br />
of l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> its ownership also constitutes an advance<br />
bey 0 n d the 0 rig ina 1 War r en i t e ideas. On e 0 f Wa r r en' s<br />
central principles was "cost, the limit of price."<br />
Ea chi n d i v i d ua I wa sentit led tothe produe t 0 f his own<br />
labor, no more, no less. This means, said Warren, that<br />
tt Nat urea c k now led g e s n 0 0 wn e r s hip 0 reon t r 0 1 i n rna n<br />
save as a result of exertion •.•. Sbe recognizes no<br />
claim but that of labor."(52) Thus, while "Every individual<br />
has the right to appropriate so much of the common<br />
natural wealth as is requisite to the supply of his<br />
wants,"(53) one could not justly acquire another's<br />
we a 1 thex c e p t b y g i v i n g an·e qua 1 am 0 un t 0 f 1abor i n<br />
ret urn. The 0 n 1 y "ren t" wh i c h the own e r cou 1d jus t 1Y<br />
colle c two u I d the ref 0 rebe for the rna i n tena nee 0 f the<br />
premises. In fact, argued Andrews, if the tenant left<br />
the prem i s e sin bet t e r s hape t han wh en he a r r i ved, the<br />
owner would actually owe "rent" to the tenant. But<br />
since under a sys t em of labor exchange there would be<br />
"no advantage in owning l<strong>and</strong> which one does not want<br />
for his present uses" it was not only believed that<br />
"all temptation to monopolize the soil" would be<br />
"ex·tinguished," but also that no great inequalities of<br />
wealth could even arise.(54) Hence, it is not too surprising<br />
that Warren did not devote much time to clarifying<br />
the nature of ownership. But with the emergence<br />
of industrialization, large corporations, <strong>and</strong> the business<br />
tycoon in the post-Civil War period, anarchists<br />
had to fa c e the prob 1em 0 f own e r s hip. Th e i r wr i tings<br />
constitute not so much a departure from the thought of<br />
War r e n a s the f u lIdeve I 0 pmen t 0 f the idea s t hat we r e<br />
expressed only more or less implicitly in his labor exc<br />
han g e s y s tern • The p ion e e r i nth i s area wa s J 0 shua<br />
Ingalls, whom Martin refers to as the William Greene of<br />
l<strong>and</strong> reform.<br />
Ingal Is premised his entire argument on the belief<br />
that "The whole produce of labor belongs to the Iabore<br />
r, <strong>and</strong> ish i s nat u raIrewar d . " Gr 0 un d- r en t wa s the r e <br />
fore unjust, since it was the acquisition of wealth<br />
without labor. It was exploitive because it deprived<br />
the worker of the full value of his product. Hence, he<br />
con c Iud ed, a bs en tee - own e r s hip wasacI ea r vi 0 I a t ion 0 f<br />
the labor theory of value.(55)<br />
Rent, he continued, was not an economic but a polit<br />
ical concept. Whereas David Ricardo had argued that<br />
it was the 'increase in populat ion that produced rent by