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Freedom, Society, and State - Ludwig von Mises Institute

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3. JOSHUA K. INGALLS AND THE OWNERSHIP OF LAND<br />

The later anarchist position regarding the nature<br />

of l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> its ownership also constitutes an advance<br />

bey 0 n d the 0 rig ina 1 War r en i t e ideas. On e 0 f Wa r r en' s<br />

central principles was "cost, the limit of price."<br />

Ea chi n d i v i d ua I wa sentit led tothe produe t 0 f his own<br />

labor, no more, no less. This means, said Warren, that<br />

tt Nat urea c k now led g e s n 0 0 wn e r s hip 0 reon t r 0 1 i n rna n<br />

save as a result of exertion •.•. Sbe recognizes no<br />

claim but that of labor."(52) Thus, while "Every individual<br />

has the right to appropriate so much of the common<br />

natural wealth as is requisite to the supply of his<br />

wants,"(53) one could not justly acquire another's<br />

we a 1 thex c e p t b y g i v i n g an·e qua 1 am 0 un t 0 f 1abor i n<br />

ret urn. The 0 n 1 y "ren t" wh i c h the own e r cou 1d jus t 1Y<br />

colle c two u I d the ref 0 rebe for the rna i n tena nee 0 f the<br />

premises. In fact, argued Andrews, if the tenant left<br />

the prem i s e sin bet t e r s hape t han wh en he a r r i ved, the<br />

owner would actually owe "rent" to the tenant. But<br />

since under a sys t em of labor exchange there would be<br />

"no advantage in owning l<strong>and</strong> which one does not want<br />

for his present uses" it was not only believed that<br />

"all temptation to monopolize the soil" would be<br />

"ex·tinguished," but also that no great inequalities of<br />

wealth could even arise.(54) Hence, it is not too surprising<br />

that Warren did not devote much time to clarifying<br />

the nature of ownership. But with the emergence<br />

of industrialization, large corporations, <strong>and</strong> the business<br />

tycoon in the post-Civil War period, anarchists<br />

had to fa c e the prob 1em 0 f own e r s hip. Th e i r wr i tings<br />

constitute not so much a departure from the thought of<br />

War r e n a s the f u lIdeve I 0 pmen t 0 f the idea s t hat we r e<br />

expressed only more or less implicitly in his labor exc<br />

han g e s y s tern • The p ion e e r i nth i s area wa s J 0 shua<br />

Ingalls, whom Martin refers to as the William Greene of<br />

l<strong>and</strong> reform.<br />

Ingal Is premised his entire argument on the belief<br />

that "The whole produce of labor belongs to the Iabore<br />

r, <strong>and</strong> ish i s nat u raIrewar d . " Gr 0 un d- r en t wa s the r e ­<br />

fore unjust, since it was the acquisition of wealth<br />

without labor. It was exploitive because it deprived<br />

the worker of the full value of his product. Hence, he<br />

con c Iud ed, a bs en tee - own e r s hip wasacI ea r vi 0 I a t ion 0 f<br />

the labor theory of value.(55)<br />

Rent, he continued, was not an economic but a polit<br />

ical concept. Whereas David Ricardo had argued that<br />

it was the 'increase in populat ion that produced rent by

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