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Freedom, Society, and State - Ludwig von Mises Institute

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exp<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> more areas are subject to vote, the scope of<br />

the market becomes progressively more restricted. Of<br />

t his pro b 1em, <strong>Mises</strong>ca n me reI y hope t hat the rna j 0 r i t Y<br />

wi II exercise such self-restraint that government will<br />

remain miniscle.(99)<br />

The doctrinaire liberal also faces another dilemma.<br />

On the one h<strong>and</strong> he is passionate in defending the right<br />

oft he in d i v i dual tor un his life as he de ems fit.<br />

<strong>Mises</strong>, as we have seen, terms the extension of government<br />

beyond the protection of rights an "evil." But<br />

since government is necessary, <strong>and</strong> since it must have<br />

revenue, "taxes are necessary_"(lOO) If it is evil to<br />

confiscate part of the earnings of individua1s for some<br />

things, however, why is it not just as evil to confiscate<br />

them for other things such as court <strong>and</strong> police services?<br />

To this <strong>Mises</strong> can merely say that "the expenditure<br />

caused by the apparatus of a liberal community is<br />

so small" that it will be of little burden to the individual.(lOl)<br />

But the dilemma remains: taxation, whether<br />

large or small, constitutes a violation of the principles<br />

of liberalism so cherished by men like <strong>Mises</strong>.<br />

In short, while what government exists is to be<br />

d em 0 c rat i c, the doc t r ina ire I i ber a Idesirest 0 res t rict<br />

government activity as much as possible; he is a procapitalist<br />

first <strong>and</strong> a democrat second. The positions<br />

are reversed, however, for the moderate liberal, for he<br />

is prepared to see, <strong>and</strong> in fact often advocates, the extension<br />

of government into areas that the dogmatic liberal<br />

would consider anathema. The prototype of this<br />

group, which would include the bulk of the classical<br />

liberals, is John Stuart Mill. "The purpose for which<br />

power can rightfully be exercised over any member ofa<br />

c i viii zed c omm un i t Y a ga ins t his wi I 1 ," says Mil I, "j s t 0<br />

pre v en t h arm toother s • His own good. • • i s not a s u f ­<br />

f i c i e n twa r ran t • "( 10 2 ) Wit h s uchastateme n t Mil I a ppears<br />

to fall into the dogmatic liberal tradition. But<br />

as George Sabine wrote of Mill, he was uncompromising in<br />

the abstract, "but having stated the principle, he proceeded<br />

to make concessions <strong>and</strong> restatements until in the<br />

end the original theory was explained away without any<br />

new principle being put in its place."(103)<br />

T h u s the s tat e rna y ifit wi shes, he says, regu Iate<br />

t r a d e 8 s weI I a s the h 0 u r s 0 f t a v ern s • I t rna y even<br />

" con f "i net h e power 0 f sell i ng thesecomm 0 d i ties. • • t 0<br />

persons of vouched-for respectability of conduct." The<br />

state has the duty to enforce "universal education" <strong>and</strong><br />

to he I p to pay the school fees of the poorer classes of<br />

30

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