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Outdoor Lighting and Crime - Amper

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the first place now have to accept the need to decrease their apparent contribution to the<br />

growth of urban crime, as well as the need to decrease associated adverse environmental<br />

effects (eg Ogden 1996).<br />

On existing knowledge, capping outdoor lighting flux to existing values will not reduce<br />

existing crime levels but only limit further increases to those presumably associated with<br />

population growth, urbanisation, urban intensification <strong>and</strong> urban sprawl. Rigid capping<br />

would therefore be only a useful precursor for subsequent full-scale efforts to moderate <strong>and</strong><br />

rationalise all outdoor lighting for crime reduction purposes.<br />

Even the initial light moderation measures proposed may be seen by some people as<br />

draconian. But doing nothing will ultimately result in whole countries moving towards crime<br />

rates like those already inflicted on urban centres, while the urban centres themselves are<br />

forced on to even greater levels of crime as a result of unfettered lighting growth.<br />

National <strong>and</strong> regional governments will need to keep up with research on the topic <strong>and</strong> to<br />

consider the introduction of appropriate lighting control laws <strong>and</strong> regulations. Environment<br />

protection authorities that have not already included adverse effects of artificial light in their<br />

charters <strong>and</strong> operational activities will need to do so promptly <strong>and</strong> to act decisively on the<br />

issues thereafter.<br />

8.3 CONSEQUENCES FOR NATIONAL, REGIONAL AND URBAN<br />

PLANNING<br />

8.3.1 <strong>Lighting</strong> growth as an urban problem<br />

The planning ramifications of this work seem likely to be far reaching. Urban development<br />

<strong>and</strong> intensification is typically undertaken to fit more people into a city occupying a given<br />

area of l<strong>and</strong>. Some might be residents, others will be commuters, <strong>and</strong> yet others, visitors. All<br />

will be goods <strong>and</strong> services providers or consumers, or both. More or bigger buildings <strong>and</strong><br />

improvements to other infrastructure are typical ways of coping with increased numbers of<br />

people <strong>and</strong> increased dem<strong>and</strong>s of individuals for living space <strong>and</strong> facilities. Generally, the<br />

process is market-driven. If people aren’t attracted to an urban centre or to some feature of it<br />

then that part of the process is likely to be curtailed or stopped. Artificial light appears to be a<br />

key component in increasing the attractiveness of an area, especially in twilight <strong>and</strong> at night.<br />

Profitable utilisation of facilities beyond daylight hours appears to be an important factor for<br />

profit <strong>and</strong> consequent further growth. Keeping the outdoor lighting in the vicinity (including<br />

access roads <strong>and</strong> outdoor car parks) brighter than in the surroundings <strong>and</strong> in competing areas<br />

appears to be important in continuing to attract customers.<br />

Urban renewal has a similar course except that the process is more likely to be driven initially<br />

by the need to do something about areas that are run down, thought to be inadequately<br />

utilised, or are not attractive enough to be profitable. Again, lighting has a key part in giving<br />

the impression that the renewed area is welcoming at night <strong>and</strong> supposedly safe. Otherwise,<br />

given present beliefs, the area can hardly be expected to prosper.<br />

Urban development, <strong>and</strong> on a broader scale, metropolitan development, appears to be a<br />

common method of attempting to limit suburban sprawl as the urbanisation of national<br />

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