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Outdoor Lighting and Crime - Amper

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Zeal<strong>and</strong><br />

(Not<br />

shown in<br />

figures)<br />

Population<br />

1970 2001 0.980<br />

0.960<br />

0.983<br />

0.966<br />

For each of the three countries studied in Figures 1 to 3, real expenditure on police has<br />

increased over recent decades. For example, allowing 1.726 for the total inflation, the real per<br />

capita expenditure increase for all US police forces combined over the period 1980 to 1999<br />

(BJS 2002b) was a factor of 2.016. The bulk of this expenditure is likely to have gone into<br />

increasing police numbers rather than into more <strong>and</strong> better equipment <strong>and</strong> training (Greenberg<br />

1983).<br />

Doubling of police numbers represents a compounding 10% increase repeated about 7 times.<br />

Using Marvell <strong>and</strong> Moody’s (1996) estimate of the effect of a 10% increase in police<br />

numbers, a doubling of police would reduce crime to (0.971) 7 , ie 0.814, or a reduction of<br />

18.6%. Goodman’s (2002) first estimate of the same effect is more appropriate here than his<br />

second estimate. The first estimate indicates a reduction to (0.989) 7 or 0.925, ie a reduction of<br />

7.5%.<br />

Had there not been progressive real increases in police force expenditure in the countries<br />

studied, some notional progressive increases would have occurred in the crime rates instead.<br />

The overall effect of this would again be to improve the correlation with skyglow a little more<br />

than with population. In the case of the USA, if real police expenditure had remained at the<br />

1980 level, the UCR crime rate value for 2001 would have been nearly 30% higher than is<br />

shown in Figure 3.<br />

Australia, UK <strong>and</strong> USA all increased their prison populations substantially in the last decades<br />

of the twentieth century. As with the effect of police, criminologists differ about the effect of<br />

incarceration on the crime rate. Even if the deterrent effect of incarceration is discounted, the<br />

balance of opinion seems to be that incapacitation of offenders does have a substantial effect<br />

in reducing overall crime. Langan (1994) concluded that the increase in US prison population<br />

from 1975 to 1989 reduced reported <strong>and</strong> unreported crime by between 10 <strong>and</strong> 15%. Hayward<br />

<strong>and</strong> Izumi (1996) collected estimates by others of how many serious crimes per prisoner per<br />

year are avoided by incarceration: the range was 12 to 187. Marvell <strong>and</strong> Moody (1994)<br />

reached a conservative estimate of 17 <strong>and</strong> a more likely value of 21 crimes prevented per<br />

prisoner per year. The effect of this on the crime rate is like that of increased police<br />

resources: in its absence, crime would be worse than it is <strong>and</strong> again the effect would be a<br />

steeper rise in recent years <strong>and</strong> a better correlation with lighting.<br />

Using Marvell <strong>and</strong> Moody’s value of 21 crimes per prisoner per year, had their been no<br />

increase in incarceration in the USA since 1980, the UCR crime rate value for 2001 would<br />

have been nearly 70% higher than is shown in Figure 3. Adding this to the effect of no extra<br />

police, the net result would be a 2001 crime rate value about double that shown in Figure 3.<br />

The case for a high correlation of lighting <strong>and</strong> overall crime is a lot stronger than Figure 3<br />

indicates.<br />

1<br />

1<br />

18

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